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I 

THE 

SEAT OF GOYEENIENT"^^ 



THE UNITED STATES. 



A REVIEW OF THE DISCUSSIONS, IN CONGRESS AND ELSEWHERE, ON THE 

SITE AND PLANS OF THE FEDERAL CITY; WITH A SKETCH OF 

ITS PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS ', 



ALSO, 



HEMAEKS ON MONUMENTAL STRUCTURES AND THE 
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 



SEAn {ly pakt) before the new yoek and Maryland historical societies. 



BY JOSEPH B. VARNUM, Jr. 



SECOND EDITION, 

'WITH AN ALPH.\BETICAL INDEX, 



« 



WASHINGTON: 

PUBLISHED BY R. FARNHAM.. 




PRINTED BY 
J. T. & LEM. TOWERS, 

Washington, 



PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 

1848. 



The following pages comprise an article which was read before the 
New York Historical Society in January, 1847. It was also read be- 
fore the Maryland Historical Society, at Baltimore, and an assembly of 
citizens at Washington. The interest which was manifested on these 
occasions induced the writer to enlarge the plan, and introduce other 
matter not strictly coming within the scope of an historical discourse, 
but believed to be important to a complete view of the subject. He 
has, however, for the most part, omitted all such details as would more 
properly belong to a guide-book; or be invested with a local, rather 
than a general interest. It is believed to be the first attempt which has 
been made to call attention to the various questions which arise in the 
selection of a Seat of Govetrnment for a Nation, As such, the editor of 
Hunt's Merchants' Magazine deemed it worthy of insertion in that 
well-known and valuable periodical ; and it is now issued in this form 
for distribution amongst those friends who have taken an interest in the 
subject. To Lewis H. Machen, Peter Force, John C. Brent, and Joseph 
Gales, Esquires, he is under obligations for valuable suggestions and 
facts. That he may have made some mistakes, is not unlikely; but 
he will have accomplished his object if he shall succeed in inducing 
some abler pen to develop the easiest and best way of fulfilling the 
design proposed in founding the city of Washington. 

1854. 

Owing to repeated inquiiies for this pamphlet, a Second Edition is 
now issued, with some additions and corrections. 

In addition to the names mentioned in the last preface, the writer 
would place that of John Sessford, Esq., as of one to whom he is under 
obligations, and whose valuable statistical tables, it is to be hoped, may 
yet be printed in some convenient form for preservation. 



THE 



SEAT OF GOYERIMENT 



THE UNITED STATES. 



CHAPTER I. 

FALSE IMPRESSIONS PREVAILING IN RELATION TO THE CITY OF WASHINGTON MR. SOUTH- 
ARD'S REMARK, AND ITS APPLICATION SESSIONS OF CONGRESS, WHERE HELD PRIOR TO 

1*790 ARTICLE OF THE CONSTITUTION PROVIDING FOR A SEAT OF GOVERNMENT 

DISCUSSIONS IN RELATION TO THE PLACE TO BE SELECTED DISADVANTAGES OF A COM- 
MERCIAL CITY PROPRIETY OF LAYING OUT A CITY EXPRESSLY FOR THIS PURPOSE 

POSITION INFLUENCE OF THE PROPOSITION FOR FUNDING STATE DEBTS THE GROWTH 

OF THE WEST ANTICIPATED WHEN THIS QUESTION WAS DECIDED DR. PATTERSOn's 

CALCULATION MILEAGE RECENT REMARKS OF SENATORS CALHOUN AND ALLEN ON 

"a centre OF TERRITORY," AND INFLUENCE OF COMMERCIAL CITIES CONSTRUCTION 

OF THE ACT. 

Notwithstanding the number who annually visit Washington on 
business or pleasure, there are few who I'ightly understand the relation 
in which that city stands to the General Government, or appreciate its 
importance as the only spot where it is practically seen that, for national 
purposes, we are but one people. There are, it is true, forts, arsenals, 
and navy-yards scattered over the country, in which all are interested 
equally, and which awaken our pride, as citizens of the great republic ; 
but each of these is limited to some one object, and a sight of one is a 
sight of all. It is only at Washington that one sees a whole district of 
country laid out expressly as a common centre of the nation, and a city 
planned solely with a view to the gratification of national pride, and 
for national convenience ; the inhabitants of which are under the entire 
control of Congress, and deprived of the elective franchise, for the ex- 
press purpose of removing them from the influence of party spirit, and 
enabling the Government to perform its functions without embarrass- 
ment or restraint. 



b THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

It is tlie fashion to speak of the Seat of Government as a place of 
extravagant pretensions, never to he realized ; of magnificent distances, 
dusty streets, and poverty-stricken people, "without reference to the cir- 
cumstances under which this particular spot was selected for the Seat 
of Government, the objects contemplated in laying out a Federal city, 
how far those objects have been accomplished, and to what extent any 
failure on this score is to be ascribed to the inefiicient legislation of 
Congress. There are gross misstatements made every year by those 
who ought to know better, and the tendency of which is, not only to 
prejudice the interest of those who reside upon the spot, but to foster 
a public sentiment which works no small amount of injury to our in- 
stitutions and country at large. It is that spirit which undervalues 
every place, however sacred its associations, if not accompanied with 
the bustle of commerce and manufactures ; which confines itself to the 
present, or, if it looks into the future, only looks with business-like eyes ; 
and which has, in a measure, broken up that feeling of patriotism and 
sentiment, which gathers around certain hallowed spots, and the culti- 
vation of which, as in the case of popular songs and traditions, has, in 
every country, proved one of its greatest safeguards. 

In one of his reports, the late Senator Southard spoke of Washington 
as the "only child of the nation;" and the thoughtful visiter who 
stands on the terrace of the Capitol, and looks upon the scene around 
him, instead of dwelling with contempt upon the scattered piles of 
brick and mortar, will, if we mistake not, in view of the circumstances 
under which it was brought into being, the honored names connected 
with its foundation, and its identity of interest with the Union, recog- 
nise the full force of the expression, and feel a corresponding interest in 
its present and future position. The subject, too, is fraug^ht with mat- 
ter of grave reflection to the statesman and philosopher, as illustrative 
of the influence exerted by a political capital, the principles on which 
one should be selected, and the expediency of any future change in our 
own country. 

It is, therefore, that we propose to present, as briefly as possible, an 
outline of the arguments which led to the act for establishing the 
present Seat of Government, a sketch of the site selected, and the plans 
adopted for carrying that act into effect, with a view of the present po- 
sition and future prospects of the city. 

The sessions of the old Congress Avere held, according as the exigen- 
cies of the war, or the convenience of members from different sections 
required, at Philadelphia, Baltimore, Lancaster, York, Princeton, An- 
napolis, Trenton, and New York. During this time, there appears to 
have been great anxiety and rivalry amongst the different States, for 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 7 

the honor of having this distingnished body in their midst. New York 
tendered the town of Kingston for the Seat of Government ; Rhode Is- 
land, Newport; Maryhxnd, Annapolis; Virginia, Williamsbm-gh. 

On the 21st Oetobery 1*783, Congress had been insulted at Phila- 
delphia, by a baud of mutineers, which the State authorities were not 
able to quell. On this occasion they adjourned to Princeton, where 
they held their sessions in the hall of the college ; and it was probably 
owing to the recent disturbance, that the subject of a permanent Seat of 
Government was now taken up, and continued to be, at intervals, the 
subject of discussion up to the formation of the Constitution. We have 
no register of the debates, but a large number of resolutions were offered, 
and votes taken. Two of the most prominent propositions will throw 
some light upon the views as to place and j)lan which were entertained 
at that time. ,,; 

On the 7th October, 1733, on motion of Mr. Gerry, it was resolved 
that buildings for the use of Congress be erected on or near the banks 
of the Delaware, or of the Potomac, near Georgetown ; provided, a suit- 
able district can be procured on one of the rivers aforesaid for a Federal 
town, that the right of soil, and an exclusive or such other jurisdiction 
as Congress may direct, shall be vested in the United States. 

This, afterwards, underwent various modifications, one of which was 
to have buildings erected both on the Potomac and Delaware, until, 
finally, it was repealed on the 26th April, 1784. On the 30th October 
following. Congress met at Trenton, and the subject was again taken 
up, and, after a long debate, resulted in the passage of an ordinance, 
appointing three commissioners with full power to lay out a district not 
exceeding three, nor less than two miles square, on the banks of either 
side of the Delaware, not more than eight miles above or below the 
falls thereof, for a Federal town. They were authorized to purchase 
soil, and enter into contracts for erecting and completing, in an elegant 
manner, a Federal house. President's house, and houses for the Secre- 
taries of Foreign Affairs, War, Marine, and Treasury ; that, in choosing 
the situation for the buildings, due regard be had to the accommoda- 
tion of the States, with lots for houses for the use of their delegates 
respectively. 

At the Congress which met at New York, January 13, 1785, great 
but unsuccessful efforts were made to substitute the Potomac for the 
Delaware. The three commissioners were here appointed, but never 
entered upon their duties ; for various delays occurred, and numerous 
efforts appear to have been made to repeal or alter it. 

On May 10, 1787, Mr. Lee, of Virginia, moved the following resolu- 
tion : 



O THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

"Resolved, That the Board of Treasury take measures for erecting the neces- 
sary public buildings, for the accommodation of Congress, at Georgetown, on 
the Potomac liver, so soon as the soil and jurisdiction of the said town ai'c ob- 
tained, and that on the completion of the said buildings, Congress adjourn their 
sessions to the said federal town. 

"Resolved, That the States of Maryland and Virginia be allowed a credit in 
the requisition of 1787, or in the arrearages due on past requisitions, for such 
sums of money as they may respectively furnish towards the erection of said 
buildings." 

This motion was lost. Affirmative : Massachusetts, New York, Vir- 
ginia, and Georgia. Negative: New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
Maryland, and North Carolina. 

In I'ZS'Z the new Constitution was adopted, leaving the resolution for 
establishing a Seat of the Federal Government on the banks of the 
Delaware unexecuted. But the discussions which had taken place on 
this subject, no doubt, had their influence upon the minds of those 
who framed that part of section 8, art. 1, of the Constitution of the 
United States, which declares that Congress shall have power to exer- 
cise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not 
exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and 
the acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of Government of the 
United States, and to make all laws which may be necessary and pro- 
per for carrying into execution the foregoing powers. 

By Elliott's Debates, it appears that the article was assented to in 
the Convention without debate. In the Virginia Convention, some 
fears were expressed as to the influence to be exerted by a spot so ex- 
clusively under the control of Government, under the apprehension 
that it would be in some measure out of the pale of law, and an asylum 
for political criminals or violators of State rights ; but the clause was 
finally acceded to without much opposition. New York having appro- 
priated its public buildings to the use of the new Government, Con- 
gress me.t in that city on the 6th April, 1789, a quorum of both 
Houses appeared and proceeded to business. On the 15th May fol- 
lowing, Mr. White, from Virginia, presented to the House of Represen- 
tatives a resolve of the Legislature of that State, offering to the Federal 
Government ten miles square of its territory, in any part of that State 
which Congress may choose, as the Seat of the Federal Government. 
On the next day, Mr. Seney, of Maryland, submitted an act of that 
State, offering to the acceptance of Congress, ten miles square of its 
territory, for the Seat of the Federal Government. Numerous memo- 
rials and petitions followed, from citizens of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, 
and Maryland, for the selection of a site in their respective States. 

The question as to the place to be selected for the " ten miles square," 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 9 

came up for discussion in Congress, on the introduction of a resolution 
by Mr. Thomas Scott, of Pennsylvania, that it would be expedient to 
select a gite which should be "as near as possible the centre of wealth, 
of population, and of territory." Mr. Lee afterwards moved that "a 
place as nearly central as a convenient communication with the At- 
lantic ocean, and an easy access to the western territory will permit, 
ought to be selected and established as the permanent Seat of Gov- 
ernment of the United States." 

On the 3d September, 1789, Mr. Goodhue, of Massachusetts, said in 
debate, that the Eastern and Northern members had made up their 
minds on the subject, and were of opinion that, on the eastern banks 
of the Susquehanna, Congress should fix its permanent residence. 

On the 5th September, 1789, a resolution passed the House of Rep- 
resentatives, " that the permanent seat of the Government of the United 
States ought to be at some convenient place on the banks of the Sus- 
quehanna, in the State of Pennsylvania." 

On the introduction of the bill to' carry this resolution into effect, 
much feeling was manifested by the Southern members, and particularly 
by the members from Virginia, who earnestly contended that the banks 
of the Potomac was the most suitable location. Mr. Madison thought 
if the proceeding of that day had been foreseen by Virginia, that State 
might not have become a party to the Constitution. The place where 
the Seat of Government should be fixed, was allowed by every member 
to be a matter of great importance. "The future tranquillity and well- 
being of the United States," said Mr. Scott, " depended as much on this, 
as on any question that ever had or could come before Congress." Mr. 
Fisher Ames remarked that "every principle of pride, and honor, and 
even of patriotism, were engaged." 

The bill was passed by the House by a vote of ayes thirty-one, noes 
nineteen. It was amended in the Senate by striking out all that part 
respecting the Susquehanna, and inserting a clause fixing the perma- 
nent Seat of Government at Germantown, Pennsylvania, and also pro- 
viding that the law should not be carried into eflfect until the State of. 
Pennsylvania, or individual citizens of the same, should give security 
to pay one hundred thousand dollars, to be employed in erecting the 
public buildings. These amendments were agreed to by the House, 
with an amendment providing that the laws of Pennsylvania should 
continue in force in said district until Congress should otherwise direct. 
The bill was then returned to the Senate, and the consideration of the 
amendment of the House was postponed until the next session. Ger- 
mantown, therefore, was actually agreed upon by both Houses; but the 
bill failed on account of a slight amendment. 



10 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

On the 3d December, 1789, tlie Legislature of Virginia passed an act, 
ceding to Congress a district for the location of the Seat of Government 
in that State ; also a resolution directing that law to be transmitted to 
the General Assembly of Maryland without delay, asking the coopera- 
tion of that State in the effort to get the Seat of Government fixed on 
the banks of the Potomac. 

The following is the Virginia resolution : 

" Resolvedhy the General Assembly of Virginia, That a copy of the foregoing 
act of the 3d December, 1789, be transmitted to tlie General Assembly of Mary- 
land without delay ; and that it be proposed to said Assembly to unite with this 
legislature in an application to Congress, that in case Congress shall deem it ex- 
pedient to establish the permanent seat of the Government of the United States 
on the banks of the Potomac, so as to include the cession of either State, or a 
part of the cession of both States, this assembly vMl pass an act for advancing 
a sum of money, not exceeding one hundred and twenty thousand dollars, to the 
use of the General Government, to be applied, in such manner as Congress shall 
direct, towards erecting pviblic buildings, the said Assembly of Maryland, on 
tlieir jjart, advancing a sum not less than two-fifths of the sum advanced by this 
State for the like purpose." 

On the receipt of the Virginia resolution, the Assembly of Maryland 
passed a similar resolution, agreeing to cede the necessary territory, and 
to furnish seventy-two thousand dollars towards the erection of the 
public buildings. 

New York and Pennsylvania had gratuitously furnished "elegant 
and convenient accommodations" for the use of the Government, during 
the eleven years that it was located within their respective limits, as 
appears from the resolutions passed by Congress on its removal. They 
had offered to continue to do so. New Jersey offered accommodations 
at Trenton. The citizens of Baltimore, through their representative, 
proposed to furnish money for the erection of the necessary buildings, 
in that " town," for the Federal Government. 

On the 31st May, 1790, a bill was introduced into the Senate, to de- 
termine " the permanent seat of Congress, and the Government of the 
United States." On the 28th June, this bill being under consideration, 
memorials were read from citizens of Baltimore, and from inhabitants 
of Georgetown, for the selection of those places ; and a motion being 
made to insert — "on the river Potomac, at some place between the 
mouths of the Eastern branch and the Connogocheague, be, and the same 
is hereby accepted, for the permanent seat of the Government of the 
United States," — it passed in the affirmative. 

The bill was further amended, as follows : 

"And be it further enacted. That for defraying the expense of such purchases 
and buildings, the President of the United States be authorized and requested 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 11 

to accept grants of money, and caused to be borrowed a sum not exceeding one 
hundred thousand dollars, at an interest not exceeding six per cent.," <fec. 

The debates on the several resohitious and bills, elicited much warmth 
of feeling, and sectional jealousy. Almost all were agreed that New 
York was not a suitable place, as not being sufficiently central. There 
was much division of sentiment as to the relative advantages of Phila- 
delphia and Germantowu, in Pennsly vania ; Havre de Grace, and a place 
called Wright's Ferry, on the Susquehanna; Baltimore, on the Pa- 
tapsco ; and Connogocheague, on the Potomac. The two last were 
about equally balanced for some time in the number of supporters. It 
was remarked, by one of the members of Maryland, that the people of 
that State were in the situation of Tantalus, uncertain which to prefer, 
the Susquehanna or the Potomac. Mr. Carroll strongly advocated the 
latter. Mr. Seney noticed sundry measures of the Legislature of Mary- 
land, which evinced, he said, their determination to support the pre- 
tensions of the Susquehanna. Mr. Smith set forth the advantages of 
IBaltimore, and the fact that its citizens had subscribed $40,000 for 
public buildings. The South Carolinians offered an apparently whim- 
sical objection to Philadelphia, to wit : the number of Quakei's ; who, 
they said, were eternally dogging the Southern members with their 
schemes of emancipation. Others ridiculed the idea of building palaces 
in the woods. Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, thought it highly unreason- 
able to fix the Seat of Government in such a position, as to have nine 
States out of the thirteen to the northward of the place, and adverted to 
to the sacrifices the Northern States were ready to make in being will- 
ing to go as far south as Baltimore. Mr. Page said New York was 
superior to any place he knew for the orderly and decent behavior of 
its inhabitants. The motion to insert Baltimore instead of the Poto- 
mac, was negatived by a vote of 37 to 23. 

We shall at present content ourselves with stating what we have 
gathered from these debates, from letters and documents, and from con- 
versations with gentlemen who lived in that day, as to the principles 
laid down by General Washington, Mr. Madison, Mr. Lee, Mr. Carroll, 
and others, who favored the site that was selected. 

First. It was not desirable that the political capital should be in a 
commercial metropolis.* The Constitution declared that Congress 
should have power to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases what- 
soever, over the Seat of Government. If it could be supposed that this 
clause left it optional with Congress to exercise the power or not, there 

*See Mr. Madison's letter — Sparks' "Washington, vol. 9, p. 551. Mr. Gerry's 
remarks — Madison Papers, p. 1,219. Mi*. Grayson's remarks — Elliott's Debates 
in A^irginia Convention,, p. 431. 



12 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

could be no doubt as to the expediency of exercising it. The provi- 
sion was suggested by the history of all European capitals, as being 
essential to bestow dignity and independence on the government. 
"Without it, not only the public authority might be insulted, and its 
proceedings be interrupted with impunity, but a dependence of the 
members of the General Government on the State comprehending the 
Seat of Government, for protection in the exercise of their duty, might 
bring on the national councils an imputation of awe or influence, 
equally dishonorable to the Government, and dissatisfactory to the 
other members of the confederacy. The consideration has the more 
weight, as the gradual accumulation of public improvements at the 
stationary residence of government, would be too great a public pledge 
to be left in the hands of a single State, and would create so many 
obstacles to a removal of the government, as still further to abridge its 
necessary independence."* 

A great obstacle to the exercise of the control in a large commercial 
community, would be found in the mixed character of the populatioR, 
and the many elements of discord which existed there. It could readily 
be forseen that, in the midst of a dense and excitable mercantile popu- 
lation, such disturbances would frequently recur in times of high party 
feeling, or during any period of stagnation in business, when the un- 
employed multitudes could easily be aroused, by real or imaginary 
grievances, to overcome all opposition, and stay the operations of gov- 
ernment. 

To check such influences, would impose upon the country the ne- 
cessity of maintaining a strong military power at the capital, which it 
was desirable to avoid, it being no part of our policy to keep on foot a 
large standing army. Another reason for avoiding a seaport city, 
would be found in the greater variety and importance of the local ob- 
jects for which Congress would be called uj)on to legislate, to the Ne- 
glect of national affairs; and in the apprehension, then generally en- 
tertained, that the local expenditures and influence of the different 
departments, which, in themselves, could afford no reasonable ground 
of alarm, might, in connexion with the wealth and power of such a 
city, operate greatly to the injury of other places. London and West- 
minster were mentioned as cases in point ; though they, unitedly, sent 
but six members to Parliament, they had more influence in the meas- 
ures of government, by their commercial importance, than the whole 
empire besides. It would become a favored city, and the Government 
funds, largely disbursed there, would give it advantages, in point of 

* Federalist. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 13 

capital, possessed by few others. A remark of Sir James Mcintosh 
was extensively quoted, "that a great metropolis is to be considered as 
the heart of a political body — as the focus of its powers and talents — 
as the direction of public opinion, and, therefore, as a strong bulwark 
in the cause of freedom, or as a powerful engine in the hands of an op- 
pressor ;" and it had come to be considered that one of the surest ways 
to prevent our capital's becoming the latter, would be to deprive it of 
the elective franchise. There were obvious reasons why those who 
lived under the immediate shadow of the Government might exert a 
greater influence over the country by their votes and opinions, than the 
same number who lived elsewhere. Many, at a distance, might sup- 
pose that those so situated would have a better oppoi'tunity to scan the 
conduct of their rulers; and the result of the election would, on this 
account,* be, by the successful party, heralded from one end of the 
Union to the other, while, in reality, it would become the seat of all 
manner of rival factions, in which the oJ0Scers of Government would 
mingle, and be tempted and enabled to use the power in their hands 
for purposes of corruption with more facilities and less fear of detection 
than if obliged to go abroad and operate in other places. The city 
should never be branded with the name of any one poHtical party, but 
be regarded as neutral ground, where all parties might meet, and be 
received on equal terms by the residents. 

There would be excitement enough attendant upon the ordinary busi- 
ness of legislation, without adding thereto the turmoil and strife of 
popular elections. Now, would any great commercial emporium be 
willing to give up this privilege, considered by Americans so invalu- 
able, for the sake of having the Government in their midst ? Certainly 
not ; nor would it be desirable that they should, since their voice in 
the public councils would be important. There would necessarily be, 
in all these places, branches of the Government, such as custom-houses 
and naval stations, which were quite as much as it was desirable to 
concentrate in any one commercial community. 

Again, in a mercantile population, the great disproportion in fortune 
and the heavy demand for land, would render it almost impossible for 
the officers of Government to live in a style of decent respectability, 
suitable to their stations, upon the moderate salaries which a reo-ard 
for economy, and the simplicity of our republican institutions, would 
seem to require ; whereas, in the absence of all other interests but those 
of persons connected with the Government, the value of the property 
would adapt itself, in some measure, to the means of the inhabitants, 
and then our functionaries would be enabled to live in accessible and 
agreeable quarters, and to appear as well as those around them. 



14 THE SEAT OF GOVERKMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Secondly. It Avas thought highly expedient that a city should be 
laid out expressly for this purpose, so that there would be ample pro- 
vision for all public edifices for centuries to come. It is true that 
abundance of ground for the public buildings could have been at that 
time obtained in or about Philadelphia and Baltimore, but they would 
have then been either all concentrated in one point, and somewhat 
circumscribed in respect to room, and choice of situation ; or, if more 
scattered, there would be a difficulty in forming that appropriate con- 
nection between them which would be essential to unity, and beauty of 
design ; and, after all, it would be a mere suburb to the city.* Besides, 
a thousand objects might, from time to time, call for the erection of 
new edifices, which could not at present be anticipated, without keeping 
vacant for years, at a great loss of interest to the Government, and to 
the detriment of the city, large tracts of land in the best "position, 
which, in the hands of individuals, would be built upon and improved. 
On the other hand, in a place that increased chiefly in proportion as 
the sphere of the executive departments was enlarged, the lots of 
ground would seldom be available to any individual before they were 
required for public purposes, and the cost to the Government would be 
comparatively trifling, while there would be an opportunity to devise a 
plan expressly for the public accommodation, to which purpose every 
part of the city would be subservient. The whole should be, as it were, 
one great building, of which the streets would be the passages; the 
the public edifices, the halls ; and the private ones, the rooms. 

It was, at one time, suggested as expedient to- require a cession of 
soil, as well as of jurisdiction, under the idea that the State or States 
would find it an object to purchase the territory, and present it, for the 
sake of having the Government in their midst ; while, on the other hand 
the income from the sales of lots, would furnish a fund for the erection 
of public edifices, and the improvement of the place ; but this was pro- 
nounced out of the question with regard to places where any consider- 
able population had already collected ; to all of which, Mr. Carroll's 
remarks in regard to Baltimore would apply. " He believed, if Con- 
gress were disposed to fix on that town, it would be agreeable to the 
States ; but he did not imagine they would agree to give Government a 
property to the whole town and the surrounding country. The other 
parts of the State had never contemplated making Baltimore a com- 
pensation for such an immense property." 

In selecting a place not previously occupied, the object of the Gov- , 

* See Mr. Smith's remarks in debate, Gales & Seaton's Debates, 0. S., 
vol. 2, p. 960. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 15 

ernment would be accomplislied whetlier the States conveyed tlie soil 
or not, since the cost of the purchase would be comparatively small. 

Thirdly. With respect to position, while a central point should be 
preferred, " it ouglit to be a centre uniting convenience with utility ; the 
heart should be so placed as to propel the blood to the extremities, 
with the most equable and gentle motion." 

There is no common centre. Territory has one centre, population 
another, and wealth a third. The centre of population is variable, and 
a decision on that point now, might establish a Seat of Government at 
a very inconvenient place for the next generation. The same remark 
may be made in this country with regard to territory. With the rapid 
increase of States, we should find it necessary to remove the capital 
every fifty years, unless we anticipated the future extent of our country 
by placing it where it would be, in the meantime, far beyond the centre 
of population and convenience. A centre of wealth is open to greater 
objections. The centre of a sea-coast line ought to be regarded because 
it is more conveniently accessible, has more wealth, and more people, 
than an equal area of inland country. Being more liable to invasion 
on that quarter. Government should be near to protect it. It is also the 
interest of the back country to have the Government near the sea, to 
insjiect and encourage trade, by which their abundant produce will find 
an export. When the central line between the Northern and Southern 
extremities was fixed, no person in the Western territory had ever 
wished anything further than that Congress should establish their seat 
as far back on this line, as the conv^enience of maritime commerce 
would allow. 

This centre of a sea-coast line falls between the rivers Potomac and 
Susquehanna; the place between the Potomac and Eastern Branch 
would admit of a navy-yard, and was yet so far inland as to be, in some 
measure, protected from sudden attack. The Potomac, Will's Creek, 
and Youghogany, could be connected by canal navigation, and, des- 
cending the latter, you come to the Monongahela, which meets the Al- 
leghany, and forms the Ohio. Its immediate vicinity to two flourishing 
inland towns would give it some of the benefits of their prosperity, 
without the evils before mentioned as incident to a large commercial 
emporium ; since the inland trade would bring into them a difierent 
class of population from that which throngs our seaport towns — one 
accustomed to the institutions of the country, and more disposed to the 
preservation of good order. This, too, it was thought, would be a se- 
curity against the i^lace becoming slavishly dependent upon Congress, 
giving it a healthy trade, but not one which would supercede entirely 
the advantages derived from the presence of Government. 



16 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Siicli were some of the considerations wliicli led to the passage, by 
a vote of 32 to 29, on the 16th day of July, 1790, of an act entitled 
" An act establishing the temporary and permanent Seat of Goverament 
of the United States," the first section of which provides " that a district 
of territory, not exceeding ten miles square, to be located, as hereafter 
directed, on the river Potomac, at some place between the mouth of 
the Eastern Branch and Conecogeague,* be, and the same is hereby 
accepted for the permanent Seat of Government of the United States." 

The word " temporary," in the title of the act, refers to Philadelphia, 
where the Congress were to hold their sessions until 1800; when, as 
Mr. Wolcott expressed it, they were " to go to the Indian place with the 
long name on the Potomac."f 

By an amendatory act, passed March 3d, 1791, so much of the act 
as requires the whole district to be located above the mouth of the 
Eastern Branch is repealed, and the President is authorized to make 
any part of the territory below the said limit, and above the mouth of 
Hunting creek, a part of said district, so as to include a convenient part 
of the Eastern Branch, and of the lands lying on the lower side thereof, 
and also the town of Alexandria, provided that no public buildings be 
erected otherwise than on the Maryland side of the Potomac. 

Maryland and Virginia had previously, by acts passed in 1788 and 
1789, authorized their representatives to make the necessary cessions. 

As we have only endeavored to set forth those reasons which were 
considered general and permanent in their application to the subject, we 

* The Conecogeague is a stream in "Washington county, Maryland. 
fThe following piece of doggerel, from one of the papers of the day, exhibits 
the feeling which pervaded the many communications with which the city 
papers were then flooded, in relation to the removal of the government from 
New York, where the council had gone to considerable expense in fitting up the 
City Hall for the reception of Congress. It stood in Wall street, at the head 
of Broad, the site of the present Custon House. 

THE WAITING GIRL IN NEW YORK, TO HER FRIEND IN PHILADELPHIA. 

" Well Nanny, I'm sorry to say since you writ us 

The congress and.court have determined to quit us. 

And for us, my dear Nanny, we're much in a pet. 

And hundreds of houses will be to be let. 

Our streets that were quite in a way to look clever, 

Will now be neglected, and nasty as ever. 

Again we must fret at the Dutehified gutters, 

And pebble stone pavements, which wear out our tretters. 

My master looks dull, aud his spirits are sinking. 

From morning till night he is smoking and thinking, 

Laments the expense of destroying the fort. 

And says your great people are all of a sort. 

He hopes and he prays they may die in a stall. 

If they leave us in debt for Federal Hall. 

In fact he would rather saw timber or dig. 

Than see them removing to Conecogeague, 

Where the houses and kitchens are yet to be framed, 

The trees to be felled, and the streets to be named." 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 1*7 

have not alluded to one topic, growing out of the politics of the day, 
which it is well known, had an important effect in hastening a decision 
on the question, and which infused particular bitterness in the debate. 
Under the then great object of funding the debt, the Seat of Govern- 
ment would concentrate the public paper ; hence, a situation was de- 
sirable from which all parts would be equally benefitted by sending 
forth and circulating Government funds, rather than building up local 
benefits 

The following extract from Mr. Jefferson's Correspondence, shows 
how the business was managed :* 

" The great and trying question (the assumption of the State debts) however, 
was lost in the House of Representatives. So high were the feuds excited by 
this subject, that on its rejection, business was suspended. Congress met and 
adjourned from day to day without doing anything, the parties being too much 
out of temper to do business together. The Eastern members particularly, who- 
with Smith from South Carolina, were the principal gamblers in these scenes,, 
threatened secession and dissolution. Hamilton was in despair. As I was going 
to the President's one day, I met him in the street. He walked me backwards 
and forwards before the President's door for half an hour. He painted pathet- 
ically the temper into which the legislature had been wrought; the disgust of 
those who were called the creditor States ; the danger of the secession of their 
'members, and the separation of the States. He observed that the members of 
the administration ought to act in concert ; that though this: question was not 
of my department, yet a common duty should make it a common concern ; that 
the President was the centre on which all administrative questions ultimately 
rested, and that all of us should rally around him and support, with joint efforts, 
measures approved by him ; and that the question having been lost by a small 
majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment and dis- 
cretion of some of my friends might effect a change in the vote, and the ma- 
chine of government now suspended might be again set in motion. I told him 
that I was really a stranger to the whole subject ; that not having yet inform- 
ed myself of the system of finance adopted, I knew not how far this was a ne- 
cessary sequence ; that undoubtedly, if its rejection endangered a dissolution of 
our Union at this incipient stage, I should deem that the most unfortunate of 
all consequences, to avert which, all partial and temporary evils should be 
yielded. I proposed to him, however, to dine with me the next day, and I 
would invite another friend or two, bring them into conference together, and I 
thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together coolly, could fail, 
by some mutual sacrijiees of opinion, to form a cmnpromise which was to save 
the Union . The discussion took place. I could take no part in it but an exhor- 
tatory one, because I was a stranger to the circumstances which should govern, 
it. But it was finally agreed to, that whatever importance had been attached to 
the rejection cf this proposition, the preservation of the Union and of concord, 
among the States was more important, and that therefore it would be better 
that the vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which, some members 
should change their votes. But it was observed that this pill would be pecu- 

* Memoirs and Corespondence of Jefferson, pages 448, 449, vol. 4^ 
2 



18 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 

liarly bitter to the Soutliem States, and that sorne concomitant measure should he 
adopted to sweeten it a little to them. There had before been a proposition to fix 
the Seat of Government either at Philadelphia or at Georgetown, on the Poto- 
mac; and it was thought that by giving it to Philadelphia for ten years, and 
to Georgetown permanently afterwards, this might, as an anodyne, calm in some 
degree the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone. So 
two of the Potomac members (White and Lee, but "White with a revulsion of 
stomach almost convulsive) agreed to change their votes, and Hamilton under- 
took to carry the other point. In doing this, the influence he had established 
over the Eastern members, with the agency of Robert Morris, with those of the 
middle States, effected his side of the agreement, and so the assumption was 
passed." 

Another consideration wliicli led to the decision, Avas the deference 
and re2;'ard which would thus be paid to the wishes of General Wash- 
ington, who had, from the first, strongly advocated the site upon the 
Potomac, and who seems to have formed rather extravagant calcula- 
tions in relation to the future growth of the city. Some of the opinions 
which he expresses in his letters, seem to conflict with the views we 
have given relative to the disadvantages of a commercial city; but it is 
to be borne in mind that it was chiefly a seaport to which those views 
have reference ; and we have, in this respect, relied mainly on the state- 
ments of gentlemen who lived at that time.* 

In reviewing the debates on this subject, it is to be remarked that 
the growth of the Western country was anticipated, and depicted in 
glowing colors by some of the members of that day. "If," said Mr. 
Madison, " the calculation be just, that we double in twenty-five years, 
■we shall speedily behold an astonishing mass of people on the Western 
w^aters. * * * We see the people moving from the more crowded 
to the less crowded parts. The swarm does not come from the south- 
ern, but from the northern and eastern hives. This will continue to be 

* The late James A. Hillhouse, and David Daggett, of Connecticut, Senator 
Eobbins, of Rhode Island, and Chancellor Bland, of Maryland, furnished infor- 
mation, directly or indirectly, on the subject. 

As will be seen hereafter, Washington's great reliance was on a canal con- 
.nection with the West. 

Mr. Jared Sparks, in a letter to the author, after the publication of the first 
edition, says " I doubt if the members of Congress generally, in their discussions 
of this subject, looked forward to a great commercial city at the new Seat of 
•Government. But I am inclined to think that Washington's anticipations were 
imore sanguine than events have justified. He early entertained very large and 
just ideas of the vast resources of the West, and of the commercial intercourse 
that must spring up between that region and the Atlantic coast; and he was 
accustomed to regard the central position of the Potomac as affording the most 
direct and easy channel of communication. Steamboats and railroads have 
since changed the face of the world, and have set at defiance all the calcula- 
tions founded on the old order of tliinii-s; and especially have they operated on 
the destiny of the West, and our entire system of internal commerce, in a man- 
.ner that could not have been possibly forseen in the lifetime of Washington. 



5?HE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT 05" THE UNITED STATES. 19 

the case until every part of America receives its due share of population. 
If there be any event upon which we may calculate with certainty, I 
take it that the centre of population will rapidly advance in a south- 
westerly direction. It must, then, travel from the Susquehanna, if it is 
now found there — it may even extend beyond the Potomac — but the 
tfme will be long first; and, as the Potomac is the great highway of 
communication between the Atlantic and the Western country, attempts 
, to remove the Seat must be impossible." " I confess," said Mr. Vining, 
"to the House and to the world, that, viewing this subject in all its 
circumstances, I am in favor of the Potomac. I wish the Seat of Gov- 
ernment to be fixed there, because I think the interest, the honor, and 
the greatness of the country require it. I look on it as the centre from 
which those streams are to flow, that are to animate and invigorate the 
body politic. From thence, it appears to me, that the rays of Govern- 
ment will naturally diverge to the extremities of the Union. I declare 
that I look on the Western territory in awful and striking point of view_ 
To that region the unpolished sons of earth are flowing from all quart- 
ers — ^men to whom the protection of the laws, and the controlling force 
of Government, are equally necessary. From this consideration, I con- 
clude that the banks of the Potomac is the proper situation." 

It is true that, at the time these remarks were made, the Union com- 
prised but thirteen States ; and, probably, no one anticipated that the 
number of States would double in fifty years, whatever might be the 
population. But, even at this time, we find that the East is to the 
West, in point of population, as the West is to the East in point of 
territory. 

The following table, which has been calculated by Dr. Patterson, of 
the United States Mint, in Philadelphia., singularly confirms Mr. Madi- 
son's prophecy : — 

Centre of Representative Population of the United States at each Census. 

DISTANCES, IN MILES, FROM 
WASHINGTON. 

Period. PLiCKS. Distance Distance, Dist. on 

Nerih. E. or W. strait line. 



In Baltimore county, Maryland, 13 miles S. of ^ 
Pennsylvania line, and 17 miles N". of Balti- ]■ 



1790 ■{ Pennsylvania line, and 17 miles N". of Balti- ^ 46 22 E. 51 



more . 



In Carroll county, Maryland, 7 miles S. of Penn- ^ 
1800-^ sylvania line, and 9 miles N. E. of Westmiii-V 52 9E. 53 
ster ) 

.,„. jIn Adams county, Pennsylvania, 5 miles N. of) qatu- i-i 

^"^^ I State line, and 17 miles W. of Gettysburgh . . [ '^^ "^^ ^^ ' '^ 

C In western part of Morgan county, Virginia, 10 1 
1820-1 miles W. S. W. of Bath, 1 mile from Potomac, [- 47 71 W. 86 
12 miles S. of Pennsylvania line. ) 



20 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 

DISTANCES, IN MILES, FROM 
WASHINGTON. 

Period. Places. Distancfi. Distance, Dist. on 

Nortli. E. or W. strait tine. 

!In Hampshire county, Virginia, opposite West- ) 
ernport, Maryland, and 20 miles N. W. of Rom- [■ 43 108 W. 117 
ney, 16 miles S. of Pennsylvania line , . ) 

JO ,^ j In Marion county, Virginia, 23 miles S. of Penn- ) 
l sylvania line, 1 9 miles N. E. of Clarksburgh . . ) 

Centre of Total Population in 1840. 



36 160 "W. 165 



lOAnS In Harrison county, Virgmia, 38 miles S. of Penn- ) m iw-itr -.hh 
1840-< , . V ^•'' -1 °j o f m 1 -u \, f 21 175 W. 177 

( sylvania line, 5 miles due iS. oi Clarksburgh. . ) 

Note. — The parallel of 40 deg. K divides the representative population of the 
United States into two equal parts very nearly, according to the census of 1840. 

The average progress westward, during each ten years, has been 
about thh'ty -four miles. This average is slightly inci'easing; and if we 
s-et it down at fifty miles, it will require a century to carry this centre 
five hundred miles west of Washington, or as far as the city of Nash- 
TiWe, Tennessee. 

The comparatively small importance which was altached to " the 
centre of territory," as a criterion by which to select a capital, will 
strike many with surprise ; and it is worthy of observation, that Mr. 
Madison, in j^resenting the importance of such a centre in what he 
thought the most prominent point of view, remarked that, " if it were 
possible to promulgate our laws by some instantaneous operation, it 
would be of less consequence where the Government might be placed " — 
a contingency which now seems to be supplied by the "magic wires"* 
of Morse, which communicate intelligence "not merely with the swift- 
ness of lightning," but "by lightning itself." 

In the course of a debate in the United States Senate on the retro- 
cession of Alexandria, Mr. Calhoun remarked " that a moment's atten- 
tion to the Seats of G-overnment in the different countries of the world 
would show that they very rarely occupied a central position. They 
were generally situated on a frontier that was most exposed, near to 
those ;^laces where the armies would be required to be encamped for 
the protection of the country against invasion. Look over Europe. 
Where was London situated ? Near the southeast frontier. Where 
was the capital of France? Far from central. Where was the capital 
of Russia ? Upon the frontier ; and the same locality will be found to 
prevail, and very properly so, in regard to capitals throughout the 
world. And if it were true in general, it was eminently true in respect 
to 'our confederation. Our capital had been placed here, very wisely in 
his judgment, and he believed it would always continue here as long as 
there was a necessity for a Seat of Government. If it were removed, 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 21 

the change would proceed from some other cause than tlie necessity of 
changing it to a more central position. The attendance of membeis 
might be found inconvenient and oppressive ; but he would here remark 
that there was a wise provision in the statute book — a provision for the 
allowance of mileage to members for the expense of travel. As long 
as that law prevailed, the Representatives of the most distant quarters 
would stand in as eligible a position as those of the nearest. They 
ought to be paid in a proportion equal to the square of the distance 
travelled. It was an error 1o suppose that the mere extent of the in- 
tervening distance should be paid. Greater distance should be paid a 
higher rate ; because distance disturbed all social relations, broke in 
upon the comforts of families, and robbed them of the enjoyment of 
home, it should therefore be liberally compensated. He was convinced 
that no one here, as far as he was individually concerned, desired a 
removal of the Seat of Government." 

Mr. Allen said that the example of the monarchies of Europe was 
not to be followed by us, for the location of the capital was dependent 
on the location of their forts and fortifications, and not convenience iu 
other respects. 

This was certainly not the case with Russia or Prussia. 

The advantages of having the Government near the coast, to protect 
the commerce of the country, is to be observed by circumstances of 
daily occurrence. It is probably on the coast that the. principal fight- 
ing will be done, and it is certainly here that the most sudden assaults 
will be made requiring immediate action. It is from Europe that our 
enemies will be most hkely to come in time of war, and it is with the 
States of Europe that, iu time of peace, we are likely to have the most 
complex relations. It is of the highest importance that our legislators 
and executive oflScers should be so near the 'commercial sections of the 
country as to enter understandingly upon those discussions in which 
practical knowledge is of the utmost importance ; and it is certain that 
there will be hundreds called into public service, from time to time, 
whose first impression of the merits of the navy, or the exterft of the 
merchant service, will be formed by actual inspection at our commer- 
cial cities; and while the Western agricultural interests are subserved 
by whatever contributes to enlarged and liberal commercial views, and 
the protection of the sea-coast, our Western frontier will be sufficiently 
well defended by Government, though at a distance, the principal ene- 
mies we are ever likely to suff"er from there, being the Indians, the 
power of which unfortunate race is daily dwindling away before the 
good or bad, but inevitable eflfects of Anglo-Saxon progress. 

We think the positions assumed in 1790 will be found to have lost 



22 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES; 

none of their force, but rather to have gained strength by subsequent- 
events. The agricultural sections of the West are constantly swelling 
in population, but so are the commercial and manufacturing-interests in- 
creasing in the East. The same interests which were then thought of 
so much importance to the whole country are increasing in a far greater 
ratio than was ever anticipated. The population of Virginia is in- 
creasing- in proportion as its lands are being redeemed mider the new 
methods of cultivation and white labor, and facilities of access to 
market are furnished. It is true that the number of new States is en- 
larging ; but if the accounts of the Pacific coast can be relied upon, 
which represent the harbors as very few, and the country mostly barren^ 
the population and commerce on that side of the Rocky Mountains can 
never bear any proportion to those of the Atlantic coast. With the 
present rage for annexing new territory, no one can tell where the 
limits of the country will stop, either at the North or the South ; and 
it is equally difficult to say what point will be, fifty years hence, the 
centre of the territory, while from the calculations we have given it is 
almost certain that the centre of the population will be between St. 
Louis and the coast, at no very great distance from the present capital,, 
to which railroads are pointing in every direction, and which, in the 
present progress of impro\ ement, it is not perhaps too much to suppose 
may yet be connected with the Ohio river by a continuous canal. 

But we were further told by Mr. Allen, that the location of our Seat 
of Government in the vicinity of our great commercial cities, gave to 
those cities a preponderating influence in the proceedings of the Gov- 
ernment of at least a hundred to one over the influence excited by a 
corresponding number of people in the vast interior. " There were no 
committees of farmers from the banks of the Missouri, the Mississippi,, 
or over the Ohio, entering the lobbies of those halls and endeavoring 
to influence the legislation of Congress. There was no combination of 
individuals from the interior delegated to the capital with a view of 
obtaining- the passage of laws, the object of which was to administer to 
individual wants, instead of the wants of the mass of the nation. There 
was no such delegation here." 

Can it be supposed that the lobbying committees from commercial 
cities would not follow the Government wherever it went ? The inter- 
ests of commerce enter too widely into all the ramifications of society 
for mere time and sj)ace to prevent those interested in their advance- 
ment from laboring assiduously on their behalf wherever the Govern- 
ment may be. Mr. Allen's argument applies equally to the good and 
the bad projects. The only difference would be that, were the Govern- 
ment placed in the interior, they would have legislators not so well in- 



THE SEAT OF GOVERXMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 23 

formed on the interests of commerce by the facilities which personal obser- 
vation would give, and more easily misled by a few interested schemers. 

It has been objected that the Eastern States secure to themselves 
greater benefits in the way of congressional and legislative patronage 
for oflBce ; but we apprehend that this source of jealousy has been 
greatly overrated. Is it not rather the section of country from which 
the Executive comes that governs in this matter ! But, admitting it to 
be an evil, it is one Avhich must always exist to a greater or less extent 
to the injury of different parts of the Union, wherever the Government 
may be, since, as was remarked in the Congress of 1790, the capital 
cannot remain for any considerable length of time at the actual centre 
of the territory, that centre being as variable as the centre of population. 

It may be well to allude here to a discussion which has arisen in 
reference to the powers of Congress to remove the Seat of Government 
at any future time. 

The introduction of the word '''' permanent^'' in contradistinction to 
" temporary,^'' in the title of the act, has been regarded as significant of 
the views of Congress and the proprietors, on the subject, viz : that cer- 
tain powers were given, certain acts required, and Congress, in the exe- 
cution of this commission, was confined within fixed limits — was to 
accept a certain specified amount of territory^ and by the acceptance, 
and by the act establishing a permanent Seat of Government in accord- 
ance with the requisitions of the Constitution, bound itself to that in- 
strument, and Virginia, the owners, purchasers, and inhabitants of the 
district in question, and the people at large, by a positive engagement 
to make the Metropolis of the Union durable and unchangeable. John 
C. Brent, Esq., of Washington city, has summed up the principal argu- 
ments against the right, as follows :* 1st. The Constitution gave Con- 
gress limited powers in the premises, and that body, as a mere agent, is 
bound by instructions and limitations, and can, under no circumstan- 
ces, exercise more authority than is given to that effect by the Consti- 
tution. 2d. A change of the Seat of Government would be a violation 
of the implied contract between the Federal Government and the States 
of Maryland and Virginia, which would never have made the necessary 
grants, had not permanency been guaranteed by the solemn act of Con- 
gress. 3d. The right and reasonable expectations of the oiiginal pro- 
prietors, the purchasers and inhabitants of this District, would be trifled 
with and destroyed by such a move towards transferring the Metropolis 
elsewhere, on the part of Congress. 

* Letters on the National Institute. Smithsonian Legacy. The Fine Arts, 
and other matters connected with the interests of the District of Columbia. 
Washinsrtwu : J. & G. S. Gideon. 



24 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

In tlie report of a Committee of the House on the 25th February, 1 846, 
on the petition for the retrocession of Alexandria, the first objection is 
thus answered : '' There is no more reason to believe that the power 
in this case, when once exercised and executed, is exhausted, than in 
any other of the long list of enumerated powers to which it belongs, 
and which it is provided Congress ' shall have.' The phraseology of 
the grant is the same, and as much reason seems to exist for the con- 
tinuance of the right to exercise this power, as in most of those con- 
tained in the list to which we have referred. If this construction be 
true, when Congress had once fixed the Seat of Government, it could 
no more be removed, although it should prove to be unsafe from foreign 
invasion, or so unhealthy as to endanger the lives of the members of 
the Government, or so located as to be inconsistent with a due regard 
to the facilities of access to our whole population, or to their conve- 
nience ; and yet it is manifest that some of these considerations might 
make the removal of the Seat of Government a matter of necessity. To 
have excluded the conclusion that the framers of the Constitution had. 
regarded considerations so manifest and reasonable, there must have 
been terms so precise and accurate as to have left no doubt of their in- 
tention to make the act irrevocable Avhen the power was once exercised. 

*^ ... 

As some proof that the framers of the Constitution did not overlook 

these considerations, we may advert to the fact that Mr. Madison moved 
to strike out the word ' permanent ' from the act establishing the Seat 
of Government, because the Constitution did not contain it. Nor is this 
the only difiiculty involved by this construction — the same section gives 
a like power relative to forts and arsenals ; and contrary to reason and 
the usages of Congress, this power, when once exercised, would be thus 
considered as executed and exhausted. 

" It might be replied that this word 'permanent ' meant only an in- 
definite period ; that it was designed merely to require the removal to 
be made by law, and not by resolution of the two Houses ; or it might 
well be said that Congress could not, by contract, part with a power 
reposed in them by the Constitution for wise purposes ; but, in point of 
fact, the history of the transaction does not sustain this view of the 
contract." 

With regard to the second objection the Committee say : " Neither 
Virginia or Maryland, by their acts of cession, made the permanence of 
the Seat of Government a condition of the grant." 

The view taken by the States and proprietors is, we think, well ex- 
pressed in the language of the Supreme Court per Story, Judge.* 

* Van Ness and wife vs. City of Washington and the United States, 4 Peters 
p. 280. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 25 

"They might, and, indeed, must have placed a just confidence i)i the 
Government, that, in founding the city, it would do no act which would 
obstruct its prosperity or interfere with its great fundamental objects or 
interests. It could never be supposed that Congress would seek to de- 
stroy what its own legislation had created and fostered into being. The 
city was designed to last in perpetuity, " capitoli immobile saxumr 

While the force of these remarks will be generally admitted, we pre- 
sume that most lawyers will decide that the proprietors could hardly 
have been warranred in the eonclusion that their interests would be 
consulted in opposition to those of the whole Union, if it should happen 
that the welfare of the nation imperatively required such a change, and 
it should be called for by a majority of the people. 

They entered into their agreement subject to the risk of such a con- 
tingency occurring, in which case the most they could claim would be 
a right to compensation for the depreciation in the value of property 
which must ensue. This proposition seems to have been generally ad- 
mitted in the discussions which took place in Congress on the question 
of removal after the war of 1812. 

In discussing the subject of removal, therefore, we should lay out of 
view the question of constitutional right, because of the reasons before 
given, and from the fact that sevei'al eminent lawyers and statesmen 
during the debate on retrocession admitted the right of removal, while 
strenuously arguing the inexpediency of exercising that right, it is very 
obvious that the subject is involved in so much doubt as to present no 
effectual b)arrier to the movement were its expediency once admitted. 

As yet, there has been little manifestation towards such a movement ; 
and almost all will concur in the oj)inion, that it would be highly im- 
politic and inexpedient to excite a political storm in the country by 
agitation of the subject. During the debate before referred to, Mr. 
Calhoun said the question of the removal of the Seat of Government 
had been agitated at the Memphis Convention, an assembly consisting 
of nearly 600 persons, composed almost exclusively of Western and 
Southern men. When the subject was introduced, it immediately pro- 
duced a strong sensation ; and when the question was put, there was a 
unanimous " No !" deep and strong. The proposition was rejected with 
but one dissenting vote. 

The necessity/or propriety of disfranchising the Seat of Government, 
is not at first view quite apparent, and has been the subject of some 
discussion. If we consider the extent to which party feeling was car- 
ried in the canvass that immediately preceded Mr. Jefferson's election 
when private social relations were, in some instances, almost entirely 
suspended between families of different political parties, we can feel the 



26 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

force of the reasoning given for this measure, and can realise what a 
serious evil such a state of things would be at the capital, should it 
again recur, and be fostered by continual local elections, accompanied 
with all the excitement and misrepresentation which we now see every 
four years in the principal cities of the Union, and in the midst of 
which, it is not too much to suppose taat the position of public officers 
might subject them to annoyance and insult in a thousand ways, even 
without actual violence. And, from similar experience, it is obvious 
that the votes of those in the public employ migm be directly or in- 
directly controlled by the Government, so that there would be, in 
reality, little freedom of choice. Other positions assumed in these dis- 
cussions will be adverted to in the course of our remarks on the pro- 
gress of the city. 



CHAPTER II. 



LETTERS OF -WASHINGTON AND JEFFERSON IN RELATION TO TERMS OF PURCHASE— SITE 

MR. MUIr's SPEECH ON LAYING THE CORNER-STONE OF THE DISTRICT PUBLIC INTEREST 

IN THE SUBJECT, AND GRAND PROJECTS NAME OF THE CITY CORNER-STONE OF THE 

CAPITOL — Jefferson's views in regard to the plan — major l'enfant : lus plan, 
ITS defects and merits — reason for placing public buildings at a distance 

from each other THE MALL RESIDENCE FOR FOREIGN MINISTERS^^DIMENSIONS OF 

THE CITY SPECULATION IN CITY LOTS ENCROACHMENTS ON THE PLAN. 

The following extracts from a letter of the President to the Secretary 
of State will show when, and on what terms, the site was ceded to the 
Government : 

Mount Vernon, March 31, 1'791. 

Dear Sir: Having been so fortunate as to reconcile the contending interests 
of Georgetown and Carrollsburgh, and to unite tliem in such an agreement as 
permits the public purposes to be carried into effect on an extensive and p'roper 
scale, I have the pleasure to transmit to you the enclosed proclamation, which, 
after annexing the seal of the United States, and your counter-signature, you 
will cause to be published. 

The terms entered into by me, on the part of the United States, with the 
landholders of Georgetown and Carrollsburgh, are, that all the land from Rock 
Creek, along the river, to the Eastern Branch, and so upwards to or above the 
ferry, including a breadth of about a mile and a half, the whole containing 
from three to five thousand acres, is ceded to the public on condition that when 
the whole shall be surveyed and laid off as a city, (which Major L'Enfant is 
now directed to do,) the present proprietors shall retain every other lot; and 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNIUENT OF TliE UNI-TED STATES^ 2l 

foi" such part of tlie land as maybe taken for public nse, for sq\iares, walks, cfcc., 
they shall be allowed at the rate of £25 per acre, the public having the right 
to reserve such parts of the wood on the land as may be thought necessarj'' to 
be preserved for ornament. The landholders to have the use and profits of the 
grounds until the city is laid off into lots, and sale is made of those lots, which, 
by this agreement, become public property. ISTothing is to be allowed for the 
ground which may be occupied for streets and alleys. * * * * 

It was found, on running the lines^ that the comprehension of Bladensburgh 
within them, must have occasioned the exclusion of more important objects; 
and of this I am convinced, as well by my own observation as Mr. Elliott's- 
opinion. 

"With regard and esteem, I am, dear sir. 

Your most obedient servant, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Extract from Mr. Jefferson's reply. 

Philadelphia, April 10, 1191. 
The acquisition of ground at Geoi-getown is really noble, considering that 
only £25 an aci'e is to be paid for any grounds taken for the public, and the 
streets not to be counted, which will, in fact, reduce it to about £19 an acre. 
I think very liberal reserves should be made for the public. 

A more beautiful site for a city could hardly be obtained. From a 
point where the Potomac, at a distance of 295 miles from the ocean, 
and flowing from northwest to southeast, expands to the width of a 
mile, extended back an almost level plain, hemmed in by a series of 
gradually sloping hills, terminating with the heights of Georgetown ; 
the plain being nearly three miles in length, from east to west,- and 
varying from a quarter of a mile to one mile in breadth; bounded on 
the east by the Eastern Branch of the Potomac, where are now the 
Navy Yard and Congressional cemetery, and on the west by the Rock 
Creek, which separates it from Georgetown. The small stream from 
the north, over which the railroad bridge now passes, on entering the 
city, emptied into a bay or inlet of the Potomac, about 400 feet wide, 
which jutted in from the west to within a quarter of a mile of the 
Capitol Hill, and nearly divided the plan. Not far from the head of 
this, and south of the Capitol Hill, a small stream took its rise in a 
large number of springs, and emptied into the river, at a place now 
called Greenleaf's Point, formed by the intersection of the Eastern 
Branch with the Potomac, and was known as James' Creek. There is 
a stream above Georgetown which has always been called Goose Creek, 
but, from a certificate of a survey now preserved in the Mayor's office 
at Washington, dated 1663,* it appears that the inlet from the Potomac 

* The following is an authentic copy of the original manuscript in the Mayor's 
office, being the survej' thus referred to : 
June 5 th, 166§. — Laid out for Francis Pope, of this Province, gentleman, a 



28 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

was then known by the name of Tiber, and probably the stream from 
the north emptying into it bore the same name ; so that Moore did in- 
justice to the history of the place, and confounded streams, when he 
wrote the well-known line — 

"And what was Goose Creek once, is Tiber now." 
By the same survey it appears that the land, comprising the Capitol 
Hill, was called Rome or Room, two names which seem to have fore- 
shadowed the destiny of the place. Mr. Force, of Washington, sug- 
gests that they probably originated in the fact that the name of the 
owner of the estate was Pope, and, in selecting a name for his planta- 
tion, he fancied the title of "Pope of Rome." 

In his observations on the river Potomac, published in 1793, Mr. 
Andrew Ellicott, who afterwards assisted in laying out the city, re- 
marks as follows : " No place has greater advantages of water, either 
for the supply of the city, or for cleaning the streets, than this ground. 
The most obvious source is from the head waters of Rock Creek, which 
takes its rise in gi-ound higher than the city, and can readily be con- 
veyed to every part of it. But the grand object for this purpose, which 
has been contemplated by those best acquainted with the country here- 
abouts, and the circumstances attending it, and which has been exam- 
ined with an eye to this purpose, by good judges, is the Potomac. The 
water of the river, above the Great Falls, fourteen miles from the city, 
is 108 feet higher than the tide-water. A small branch, called 'Watts' 
Branch,' just above the falls, goes in a direction towards the city. 
From this branch to the city, a canal may be made, (and the ground 



parcel of land in Charles county, called Room, lying on the east side of the Ana- 
costia river, beginning with a marked oak standing by the river side, the 
bounded tree of Capt. Robert Troop, and running north by the river for breadth 
and length 200 ps., to a bounded oak standing at the mouth of a bay or inlet 
called Tiber ; bounding on the north by the sai'd belt, and line drawn east for the 
length of 320 ps., to a bounded tree standing in the woods; on the east, with a 
line drawn south from the end of the former line, until you meet with the ex- 
terior bounded tree of Robt. Troop, called Scotland Yard ; on the south, with 
the said land; on the west, with the said river, containing, and now laid out 
for, 400 acres, more or less. 

June 5th, 1663. — Laid out for Capt. Robt. Troop, of this Province, a parcel 
of land in Charles county called Scotland Yard, lying on the east side of the 
Anaeostia river, beginning at a bounded hickory standing by the river side, and 
running north by the river for breadth the length of 250 ps., to a boimded oak; 
bounding on the north with a line drawn east into the woods for the length of 
320 ps., to a bounded oak; on the east, with a line drawn south from the end 
of the former line, until you intersect a parallel line drawn from the first 
bounded hickory; on the south, with the said parallel; on the west, with said 
river, containing, and now laid out for, 500 acres, more or less. 

Below is written: Valuable and ancient documents in relation to the taking 
up. of the tract of land called Rome, on the site of which now stands the city of 
Washington, respectfully presented to the Mayor and Councils of the city by 

Apeil 26, 1837. ROB. Y. BRENT. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE- UNITED STATES. 29 

admits of it very well,) into wlilcli the river, or any part of it, may be 
turned and earned through the city. By this means the water may 
not only Be carried over the highest ground in the city, but, if neces- 
sary, over the tops of the houses." The advantages which would thus 
be presented for mill-seats, are also dwelt upon by Mr. Ellicott, and the 
whole plan subsequently attracted much attention, having been pro- 
posed to Congress by President Jefferson.* 

It is said that Washington's attention had been called to the advan- 
tages which this place presents for a city, as long previous as when he 
had been a youthful surveyor of the comntry round, and that he efl- 
camped with Braddock's forces on the hill now occupied by the Ob- 
servatory, which was long known as Camp Hill, from this circum- 
stance. His judgment was confirmed by the fact that two towns were 
afterwards planned on the spot, and the first maps of the city represent 
it as laid out over the plans of Hamburgh and CarrollsviUe. 

Commissioners had been appointed to carry out the objects of the 
act, and, on the 15th day of April, 1791, the Hon. Daniel Carroll and 
Dr. David Stuart, superintended the fixing of the first corner-stone of 
the District of Columbia, at Jones' Point, near Alexandria, where it was 
laid with all the Masonic ceremonies usual at that time. The follow- 
ing address, delivered by the Rev. James Muir, on that occasion, is 
copied from a number of the United States Gazette, for 1*791 : 

"Of America, it may be said, as of Jxidea of old, that it is a good land and 
large — a land of brooks of waters, of fountains and depths, that spring out of 
the valleys and hills — a land of wheat and barley, and vines, and fig-trees and 
pomegranates — a land of oil, olives, and honey — a land wherein we eat bread 
without scarceness, and have lack of nothing — a land whose stones are iron, 
and out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass — a land which the Lord thy God 
careth for — the eyes of the Lord thy God are always upon it, from the begin- 
ning of the year, even unto the end of the year. May Americans be grateful 
and virtuous, and they shall insure the indulgence of Providence. May they 
be unanimous and just, and they shall lise to- greatness. May true ^^atriotism 
actuate every heart. May it be the devout and universal wish. Peace he 
within thy wall, America, and prosperity within thy palaces T Amiable it ia 
for brethren to dwell together in unity; it is more fragrant than the perfumes 

* A survey with a view to the introduction of water, was made by order of 
Congress and the city authorities, in 1851, by Lieut. Col. Hughes, of the 
Topographical Engineers, and he concurs in the opinions expressed by Ellicott. 
A more careful and complete survey was made in 1853, by Lieut. Meigs, with 
the same conclusions, and the particular result ©f his investigations is given 
further on. The following are given by Col. Hughes as the levels of some of 
the more prominent points within the city, above ordinary low tide: 

Foundation of St. John's Church 65 . 50 

Corner of I and 13th streets west.. .82 . 10 

.V Base of Observatory 96.20 

Eastern base of Capitol 89 . 50 

Corner of N and 11th streets west... 103.70 



30 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

on Aaron's garment: it is more refreshing than the dews on Ilermon's Hill! 
May this stone long commemorate the goodness of God in those uncommon 
events which have given America a name among nations. Under this stone 
may jealousy and selfishness be forever buried. From this stone may a super- 
structure arise, whose glory, whose magnificence, whose stabilitj-, unequalled 
hitherto, shall astonish the world, and invite even the savage of the wilderness 
to take shelter imder its roof."* 

The proceedings in reference to the opening of a national city, ap- 
pear to have awakened much interest in all parts of the country. lu 
an extra number of the Herald, published at Philadelphia, on the 4th 
January, 1795, we find along article, setting forth the general plan, 
and, more particularly, the designs for improving the mall. It com- 
mences thus: 

"To found a city, in the centre of the United States, for the purpose of 
making it the depository of the acts of the Union, and the sanctuary of the 
laws, which must, one day, rule all North America, is a grand and comprehen- 
sive idea, which has already become, with propriety, the object of public res- 
pect. In reflecting on the importance of the Union, and on the advantages 
which it secures to all the inhabitants of the United States, collectively, or to 
individuals, where is thei'e an American who does not see, in the establishment 
of a Federal town, a natural means for confirming forever that valuable con- 
nection, to which the nation is indebted for liberation from the British yoke? 
The Federal city, situated in the centre of the United States, is a temple erected 
to liberty; and towards this edifice will the wishes and expectations of all true 
friends of their country be incessantly directed. The city of Washington, con- 
sidered under such important points of view, could not be calculated on a small 
scale; its extent, the disposition of its avenues and public squares, should all 
correspond with the magnitude of the object for which it was intended — and 
we need only cast our eyes upon the situation and plan of the city, to recog- 
nize in them the comprehensive genius of the President, to whom the 'direction 
of the business has been committed by Congress." 

The first public communication on record, in relation to arrangements 
for laying out this city, is from the pen of General Washington, dated 
on the 11th' March, 1791. In a subsequent letter of the 30th April, 
1791, he calls it the Federal city. The name which it now bears, was 
adopted about four months afterwards, probably without the knowledge 
of Washington, in a letter to Major L'Enfant, by the first Commission- 
ers, Messrs. Johnson, Stuart, and CatToll, which bears date Georgetown, 
September 9tli, 1791, and informs the architect that they have agreed 
that the Federal district shall be called "The Territory of Columbia," 
and the' Federal City, "The City- of Washington," and directs him to 
entitle his map accordingly.! 

* By the retrocession of Alexandria, this stone is no longer within the limits 
■of the District. A squai'e mass of masonry near the National Monument was 
the centre of the District. 

I Historical Sketches of the Ten-miles Square, by Jonathan Elliot. . 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 31 

On the IStli September, 1793, the southeast corner stone of the 
north wing of the Capitol was laid by General Washington ; the follow- 
ing account of the ceremony, copied from a Georgetown paper into the 
Maryland Gazette, published at Annapolis, September 26, 1793, has been 
furnished by D. Claude, jr. Esq. of that city. The orator of the day, 
was Joseph Claude, architect of the State House of Annapolis: 

Geoegetown, September 21, 1793. 
On Wednesday one of the grandest Masonic processions took place for the 
purpose of laying the corner stone of the Capitol of the United States, which 
perhaps ever was exhibited on the like important occasion. About 10 o'clock 
Lodge No. 9 was visited by that congregation so graceful to the craft. Lodge 
No. 22 of Virginia, with all their officers and regalia; and directly afterwards 
appeared, on the southern banks of the grand river Potomac, one of the finest 
companies of volunteer artillery that hath been lately seen, parading to receive 
the President of the United States, who shortly came in sight with his suite, to 
whom the artillery paid their military honors; and his Excellency and suite 
crossed the Potomac, and was received in Maryland by the officers and Breth- 
ren of No. 22 Virginia, and No. 9 Maryland, whom the President headed, and 
preceded by a band of music ; the rear brought up by the Alexandria volunteer 
artillery, with grand solemnity of march, proceeded to the President's square, 
in the City of Washington, where they were met and saluted by No. 15 of 
the City of Washington, in all their elegant badges and clothing, headed by 
brother Joseph Clark, Rt. \V". G. M., P. T., and conducted to a large lodge pre- 
pared for the purpose of their reception. After a short space of time, by the 
vigilance of Brother Clotworthy Stephenson, Grand Marshal P. T., the brother- 
hood and other bodies were disposed in a second order of pi'ocession, which took 
' place amidst a brilliant crowd of spectators of both sexes, according to the fol- 
lowing arrangement, viz: 

The Surveying Department of the city of Washington. 
* Mayor and Corporation of Georgetown. 

Virginin Artillery. 
Commissioners of the city of Washington and their attendants. 
Stone-cutters. Mechanics. 

[Here follow all the various officers of Free Masonry, amongst whom appears 
Grand Master P. T. George Washington, Worshipful Master of No. 22, Vir- 
ginia.] 

The procession marched two abreast, in the greatest solemn dignity, with 
music playing, drums beating, colors flying, and spectators rejoicing, from the 
President's square to the Capitol, in the city of Washington, where the Grand 
Marshal ordered a halt, and directed each file in the procession to incline two 
steps, one to the right and one to the left, and faced each other, wliieh formed 
a hollow oblong square, through which the Grand Sword Bearer led the van, 
followed by the Grand Master P. T. on the left, the President of the United 
States in the centre, and the Worshipful Master of No. 22 Virginia on the right; 
all the other orders that composed the procession advanced in the reverse of 
their order of march from the President's square to the southeast corner of the 
Capitol, and the artillery filed off to a destined ground to display their manoeu- 



32 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 

vres and discharge their cannon ; the President of the United States, the Grand 
Master P. T., and Worshipful Master of No. 22 taking their stand to the east 
of a huge stone, and all the craft forming a circle westward, stood a short time 
in awful order. 

The Artillery discharged a volley. 

The Grand Marshal delivered the Commissioners a large silver plate with an 
inscription thereon, which the Commissioners ordered to be read, and was as 
follows : 

"This southeast corner stone of the Capitol of the United States of America, 
in the city of Washington, was laid on the 18th day of September, 1193, in 
in the thirteenth year of American Independence, in the first year of the second 
term of the Presidency of George Washington, whose virtues in the civil adminis- 
tration of his country have been so conspicuous and beneficial, as his military 
valor and prudence have been useful in establishing her liberties, and in the year 
of Masonry, 5793, by the President of the United States, in concert with the 
Grand Lodge of Maryland, several lodges under its jurisdiction, and Lodge No. 
22 from Alexandria, Virginia. 

"Thomas Johnson, David Stuart, and Daniel Carroll, Commissioners; Joseph 
Clarke, R. W. G. M. P. T. ; James Hoban and Stephen Hallate, Architects ; 
Collin Williamson, M. Mason." 

The artillery discharged a vollej''. 

The plate was then delivered to the President, who, attended by the Grand 
Master P. T. and three most Worshipful Masters, descended to the cavazion trench 
and deposed the plate, and laid it on the corner-stone of the Capitol of the 
United States of America, on which was deposed corn, wine, and oil, when the 
whole congregation joined in reverential prayer, which was succeeded by Mason- 
ic chanting honors, and a volley from the artillery. 

The President of the United States and his attendant brethren ascended from 
the cavazion to the east of the corner-stone, and there the Grand Master P. T., 
elevated on a triple rostrum, delivered an oration fitting the occasion, which 
was received with brotherly love and commendation. At intervals, during the 
delivery of the oration, several volleys were discharged by the artillery. The 
ceremony ended in prayer. Masonic chanting honors, and a 15-volley from the 
artillery. 

The whole company retired to an extensive booth, where an ox of 500 lbs, 
weight was barbecued, of which the company generally partook, with every 
abundance of other recreation. The festival concluded with fifteen successive 
volleys from the artillery, whose military discipline and manoeuvres merit every 
commendation. 

Before dark the whole company departed with joyful hopes of the produc- 
tion of their labor. 

It is related that the President, when offered by a physician present 
the use of the only umbrella which the company possessed, to shield 
him from the rays of the sun, declined it with the remark, " To the 
ladies with it doctor, I have been exposed to the sun before in the course 
of my life ;" which, from the manner of its utterance, made a great 
impression on the hearers, as one of the few instances in which Wash- 
ington joked or smiled. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 33 

The following extract from the letter of Mr. Jefferson, already re- 
ferred to, will show the interest which that distinguished statesman 
took in the plans : 

"I received, last night, from Major L'Enfant, a request to furnish him any 
plans of towjis I could for his examination ; I accordingly send him, by this post, 
plans of Frankfort-on-the-Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburgh, Paris, 
Orleans, Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin, and Milan, on large 
and accurate scales, which I preserved while in those towns respectively. They 
are none of them comparable to the Old Babylon, revived in Philadelphia, and 
exemplified. While in Europe, I selected about a dozen or two of the hand- 
somest fronts of private buildings, of which I have the plates. Perhaps it 
might decide the taste of the new town, were these to be engraved and dis- 
tributed, gratis, among the inhabitants of Georgetown. The expense would 
be trifling." 

In Washington's correspondence, we find frequent allusions to dis- 
cussions had with the architect here referred to — Major L'Enfant, a 
Frenchman of talent, but apparently obstinate and unwilling to be ad- 
vised by others. His plan, though attractive in the outline upon 
paper, was, in many respects, an exceedingly impracticable one, and 
led to the sacrifice of one or two of the most beautiful eminences in 
the city. 

^He first laid down two sets of streets, distinguished by letters and 
numbers, concerning which the French minister jocosely remarked, 
" that L'Enfant was not only a child in name, but in education also ; as 
from the name he gave the streets, he appeared to know little else than 
ABC, and 1 2 3." It appears, however, by a letter of the Commis- 
sioners, that they gave these names to the 'streets at the same time with 
that to the city ; and it was, we think, a good arrangement, since the 
streets could more easily be found by a stranger under such designa- 
tions. 

The names of some of the Avenues were also probably given by 
them. Others have been named since, such as Louisiana, Indiana, and 
Ohio.* 

The lettered and numbered streets intersect each other at right- 
angles, as at Philadelphia ; and had he stopped here, he would have 
consulted the interests of those who were to have erected private build- 
ings ; but there would have been nothing in it sufficiently distinctive 
of the national character of the city. It was desirable to bring the 
public buildings into view from the most distant quarters, that there 

* The names of the thirteen States were engraved upon a bridge over Rock 
creek, constructed of refuse materials taken from the public buildings, since 
carried away. That of Pennsylvania was on the key-stone ; hence the nam« 
"Key -stone State." 

3 



34 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

might be direct communication with them' all. Accordingly, immense 
avenues, varying from a hundred to a hundred and sixty feet in width, 
were made to radiate from particular points, such as the Capitol and 
the President's house ; the consequence is, that, in the first place, there 
are twice as many Streets as are required ; and, in the second place, the 
avenues, intersecting the rectangular streets, cut up the squares into 
triangles and oblongs, spoil the most prominent corner lots, and leave 
every where awkward spaces.'* 

The design of these avenues was a grand feature, worthy of the na- 
tion ; but the architect should either have laid them down first, to 
serve, as it were, for the great arteries of the city, and then, taking 
these as base lines, made such other streets to connect as necessity re- 
quired ; or he should, in the first instance, have marked out a much 
smaller number of rectangular streets. Thus, the building-lots on the 
side streets would have been sufiiciently large to admit of court-yards 
in front, with appropriate shubbery, and made it in a short time, with 
a small population, a really attractive 'Vms in urbe,''^ after the style of 
New Haven, Hartford, and the more retired parts of Richmond. To 
make matters worse, a regulation was made prohibiting the enclosure 
of more than five feet of the street in a court-yard. 

The eminence over which Louisiana avenue is made to climb, and 
which will be more generally recogTiized as the site of the City Hall, 
should have been entirely reserved for some public purpose, instead of 

*In tlie map first submitted to Congress, are the following remarks: 

"The grand avenues, and such streets as lead immediately to public places, 
are from 130 to 160 feet wide, and may be conveniently divided into foot-ways, 
walks of trees, and a carriage way. The other streets are from 90 to 110 feet 
wide." 

In order to execute this plan, Mr. Ellicott drew a true meridional line by ce- 
lestial observfttion, which passes through the area intended for the Capitol. 
These lines were accurately measured and made the basis upon which the 
whole plan was executed. He ran all the lines by a transit instrument, and 
determined the acute angles by actual measurement, and left nothing to the 
uncertainty of the compass. 

The positions for the different edifices, and for the several squares or areas of 
different shapes as they were- laid down, were first, determined on the most ad- 
vantageous ground, commanding the most extensive prospects, and the better 
susceptible of such improvements as either use or ornament may hereafter 
call for. 

Lines or avenues of direct communication have been devised to connect the 
separate and most distant objects with the principal, and to preserve through 
the wliole a reciprocity of sight at the same time. Attention has been paid to 
the passing of those leading avenues over the most favorable ground for pros- 
pect and convenience. 

North and south lines, intersected by others running due east and west, have 
made the distribution of the city into streets, squares, &c. ; and those lines 
have^been so combined as to meet at certain given points with those divergent 
avenues, so as to form on the spaces " first determined" the different squares or 
areaSi 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 35 

being traversed by three or four streets, so near eacb other as to make 
it impossible to erect other than small slender two-story houses. 

We speak thus particularly, relativ^e to the defects in the plan, in 
order to show the changes which have been made in the appearance of 
the ground, and to shift the censure for any wfnt of beauty that may 
present itself in the present aspect of the site, from those Avho made the 
selection, to those who abused its advantages by adopting such a de- 
sign. But, on the other hand, there is much that is beautiful in the 
plan ; and, if Congress were but reasonably liberal in their ideas, we 
might hope to see it developed to a much greater extent in the course 
of one or two years. 

In the original plan of the city, as submitted to Congress by the 
Piesident, in January, 1790, mention is niade of the subjoined magni- 
ficent intentions : 

1. "An equestrian figure of George "Washington, a monument voted in 1*783, 
by the late Continental Congress." 

It was not until 1852 that Congress made an appropriation for this 
statue ; but, in the meantime, the site thus designated for it, in Washing- 
ton's lifetime, has been given by Congress for the Washington National 
Monument, now in progress of construction. 

2. "An liistoric cohimn, also intended for a mile or itinerary column, from 
whose station (at a mile from the Federal House) all distances and places through 
the continent are to be calculated." 

The site designated for this was at the open space east of the Capitol, 
at the intersection of East Capitol street, North Carolina, Massachusetts, 
Kentucky, and Tennessee avenues. 

3. "A naval itinerary column, proposed to be erected to celebrate the first 
rise of a navy, and to stand a ready momiment to perpetuate its progress and 
achievements. 

4. "Fifteen squares were to be divided among the several States in the Union 
for each of them to improve ; the centres of these squares designed for statues 
columns, obelisks, &c., such as the different States may choose to erect. 

5. "A church intended for national purposes, such public prayer, thanksgiv- 
ings, funeral orations, &e., and assigned to the special use of no particular sect or 
denomination, but equally open to all. It will likewise be a proper shelter for 
such monuments as were voted by the late Continental Congress, for those 
heroes who fell in the cause of liberty, and for such others as may hereafter be 
decreed by the voice of a grateful nation." 

The square now occupied by the Patent Office was intended for this 
church, which was to be oificiated in by the chaplains of Congress. 
6. "Five grand fountains, intended with a constant spout of water." 
These were to be at reservation 17 — intersection of F street north 



36 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

and Maryland avenue, H street north and New York avenue, H street 
north and Pennsylvania avenue, and Market space. 

1. " A grand avenue, four hundred feet in breadth, and about a mile in length, 
•bordered with gardens, ending in a slope from the houses on each side. This 
avenue leads to the moniiment of Washington, and connects the Congress garden 
with the President's park." 

This is the ground* extending from the Capitol to the monument on 
the Potomac, and known as the mall, Nothing was ever done towards 
improving it, until 1851-2, when. Congress having made an appropri- 
ation towards that object. President Fillmore engaged the services of 
the late A. J. Downing, landscape gardener, who laid out the grounds 
upon a plan which was a great improvement upon the original design. 
It consists of serpentine walks and drives, with arrangements for pre- 
senting all the forest trees of the country, as well as the accommoda- 
tion of a botanic garden, should Congress authorize one. That portion 
in front of the Smithsonian Institute, and immediately south of the 
President's house, has been planted ; the rest is unfinished, and no part 
has as yet been suitably enclosed. 

* To give some idea of the extent of this ground, we annex the following 

statement from the Surveyor's office — also, the size of Judiciary, oi- City Hall 

Square : 

1st. The distance from the north sida of the canal to the north 

side of south B street, is 1602 .41 feet. 

The canal along the north side of the wall is 146 feet wide, arid 
the street which intervenes between the mall and the canal, 
is 80 feet wide. Deducting, then, from the distance given 
above, 146-+-80= 226.00 " 

We have, for the width of the mall 1376 .41 " 

2d. The area of the mall, between Seventh and Twelfth streets, 

(being 1669.41 feet on east and west, and 1376.41 feet north 

and south line,) is 52 .75 acres. 

The portion between Twelfth and Foui-teenth streets, (being 

973.58X1376.41 feet,) contains .^ 30.76 " 

And the portion between Fourteenth* and Fifteenth streets, 

(being 483.54X1376.41 feet,) contains 15.29 " 

Making the total area of the mall, from- Seyenth to Fifteenth 
street, exclusive of the space occupied by Twelfth and Four- 
teenth streets 98.80 " 

3d. The portion of the mall granted to the Smithsonian Institu- 
tion, (that is, the portion included between Ninth and Twelfth 
streets and south B, and the prolongation of the centi-e line 
of East Capitol being 1087.08X759.75 feet,) contains 18.96 " 

4th. That portion of Judiciary Square which is south of the 

south side of E street, contains 236,838 square feet, equal to 5.46 " 

5th. The distance from Pennsylvania Avenue, on the streets, at present bridged, 
to the south side of the pia'll, is as follows: 

On Fourteenth street 2,965 feet. 

On Twelfth street :..... 2,581 " 

Ob Seventh street. 1,932 " 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 37 

8. "The water of Tiber Creek to be conveyed to the high ground, where the 
Congress House stands, and, after 'watering that part of the city, its overplus 
will fall from under the base of the edifice, and, in a cascade of twenty feet in 
height, and fifty in breadth, into the reservoir below, thence to i-un, in three 
falls, through the gardens in the grand canal." 

Instead of this last, a spring of water was some years since conducted 
to the Capitol, affording but an insufficient supply for tliat edifice and 
Pennsylvania avenue. Should the water-works now in progress be 
completed, an opportunity will be afforded of carrying this plan into 
execution, and thus keep the canal constantly' full, and make it rather 
ornamental than otherwise, (especially if it be made serpentine, as. pro- 
posed by Downing,) while still answering its present purpose of drain- 
age, and communication from the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal to the 
Navy Yard. 

The feature of connecting the Capitol and President's House by a 
garden, is calculated to soften the distance between these two edifices 
somewhat, as in the case of the Chamber of Deputies and Tuilleries at 
Paris, which, no doubt, L'Enfant had in his eye when he made the plan. 
Until this is carried out, the two sections of the city on different sides 
of the canal will never look well, for want of any appropriate connec- 
tion; and, not only this, but the Capitol grounds, (which by this garden 
would, to all intents, extend to the Potomac,) must present a half 
finished appearance. 

From the figures drawn on some of the early maps, and one or two 
other circumstances, we are led to infer that it was also, at one time, 
proposed that one side of this mall should be, in part, lined with public 
buildings or residences for the heads of departments and foreign minis- 
ters. It is well known that a portion of the President's square was, at 
one time, set apart for the Portuguese minister. In a report of the 
Commissioners to Congress, made March 23d, 1802, we find the follow- 
ing statement : 

" The measure of granting sites for the residences of foreign ministers was 
warmly recommended by President "Washington, and approved by President 
Adams, before any steps were taken by the Commissioners to carry it into effect. 
President Washington, himself, pointed out the spot granted to the Queen of 
Portugal, as a j^roper site for the residence of a foreign minister, and Mr. Adams 
delivered letters from the Commissioners, making the offer to all the ministers 
of friendly powers near the United States, and endorsed his approbation of the 
deed to the Queen of Portugal, after it was executed. But the Attorney-Gen- 
eral was of opinion that Congress, alone, were competent to make the grant — an 
idea which never occurred to either of the President's, or any of the Commis- 
sioners." 

Some years since. Congress very unwisely reduced the size of these 
public grounds by selling out, for private purposes, portions of them 



38 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

near the Capitol, marked on the map as squares A, B, C, and D, and 
reservations 10 and 12. The effect of this is to reduce the mall to an 
awkward point at Third street, and materially embarrass the plans for 
improvement. 

The "magnificent distances" at which the executive are separated 
from the legislative departments, have been made a ground of com- 
plaint; but we think there was much judgment shown in the choice of 
these situations. A suitable and prominent position was assigned to 
each edifice, which could not have been the case had they all been 
congregated in one place, unless a structure as large as the palace of 
Versailles had been erected, (and this would not only have been cum- 
brous and inconvenient in many respects, but unsafe ; as, in case of 
fire or invasion, the whole building would become a sacrifice to the 
flames, or the explosive compound.) Again, it was thought that their 
immediate vicinity to the legislative halls would offer a great tempta- 
tion to the clerks to neglect their duties, in order to hear the debates, 
and that the constant intrusion of members of Congress would interrupt 
the public business. General Washington, in a letter written shortly 
before his death, thus speaks of a suggestion made by Mr. Adams, to 
place the departments near the Capitol: "The principles which operated 
for fixing the site for the two principal buildings, were understood and 
found necessary, at the time, to obtain the primary object — i. e., the 
ground and means for either purpose ; but it is always easy, from an 
ignorant or partial view of a measure, to distort and place it in an un- 
favorable attitude. Where or how the houses for the President, and 
the public offices may be fixed, is to me, as an, individual, a matter of 
moonshine. But, the reverse of the President's motive for placing the 
] after near the Capitol, was my motive for fixing them by the former. 
The daily intercourse which the secretaries of the departments must 
have with the President, would render a distant situation extremely 
inconvenient to them, and not much less so would one be close to the 
Caj^itol ; for it was the imiversal complaint of them all, that, while the 
legislature was in session, they could do little or no business, so much 
were they interrupted by the individual visits of members, (in office 
hours,) and by calls for papers. Many of them have disclosed to me 
that they have been obliged often to go home and deny themselves, in 
order to transact the current business." 

ISTor could any reasonable estimate be made as to the probable wants 
of government, in the way of public erections. All the archives of the 
Treasury, War, State, Indian, and Pension Departments, were formerly 
kept in two buildings — now, the Treasury, alone, occupies an edifice as 
large as six of those ; it was important, then, that each d«i:)artment 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 39 

should liave a building to itself so constructed that it miglit, at any- 
future time, be enlarged without marring its appearance, and in the 
immediate neighborhood for the residences of the officers employed 
therein. But it was prob^ly not intended that the executive officers 
should be scattered as they are. The Patent Office square was, as we 
have seen, reserved for a church. The General Post Office Department 
owes its present position to the circumstance that a brick building, 
erected for a hotel, v?as rented by the Government for the temporary 
accommodation of Congress, after the burning of the Capitol, and then 
purchased for the Post Office and Patent Office, in the absence of other 
accommodations. And a gross encroachment on the plan has been 
committed in the location, by President Jackson, of the Treasury build- 
ing. That structure, when finished, Avill be a noble edifice, and will 
have probably cost $1,200,000 ; but it is so badly situated as to ruin 
its appearance, and entirely exclude from view the President's house, 
and to obstruct the distant and beautiful prospect from the East room 
of that edifice, through the line of F street. The building, although 
nearly four hundred feet in length, will scarcely be visible except from 
the street immediately before it ; and the three finest porticoes will 
front upon the President's kitchen garden. The necessity is involved 
of taking down the State Department, which has cost upwards of 
$90,000, and, also, of erecting a building to correspond for the other 
department on the west side of the executive mansion ; a blunder en- 
tirely inexcusable when there were so many excellent sites at command, 
and especially when the map of 1*792 distinctly designated positions on 
either side of the President's house, south of Pennsylvania and New 
York avenues, which would have been equally as accessible, given a 
far more imposing aspect to the buildings, and preserved a distinct view 
of the President's house in every direction. Experience has proved the 
truth of the positions taken by Washington, in a letter to the Commis- 
sioners, dated December 26, 1796, where he remarks: "I have never 
yet met with a single instance where it has been proposed to depart 
fi'om the published plan of the city, that an inconvenience or dispute 
of some sort has not sooner or later occurred ; for which reason I am 
persuaded that there should be no departure from it, but in cases of 
necessity or very obvious utility." 

When the plans of the new city were completed, they were sent to 
all parts of the country and to Europe, (an act having been passed to 
enable aliens to hold land there,) and the bidding was very high for the 
best lots. Any one who stands on. the dome of the Capitol, will ob- 
serve the wide space which intervenes between the navy-yard and 
Greenleaf's Point, (where are the arsenal and penitentiary.) It was 



40 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

supposed by many that this part would be built up first, and immense 
sums were here thrown away in city lots ; the course which things took 
afterwards, having ruined the proprietors. The change was chiefly 
brought about by the circumstance that, when Congress was first esta- 
blished there, the members boarded in Georgetown, for the want of 
sufiicient accommodations elsewhere; and, also, to the fact that the 
public ofiices were in that direction, which caused the Pennsylvania 
avenue to be first improved. 

Some idea of the magnitude of the plans may be formed from the 
following statement of its present size : 

"The city extends, from northwest to southeast) about four miles and a half; 
and, from east to southwest, about two miles and a half Its circumference is 
fourteen miles, and aggregate length of the streets is one hundred and ninety- 
nine miles, and of the avenues sixty-five miles. The avenues, streets, and open 
spaces, contain three thousand six hundred and four acres; and the public re- 
servations, exclusive of reservations ten, eleven, and twelve, since disposed of 
for private purposes, five hundred and thirteen acres. The whole area of the 
squares of the city amounts to one hundred and thirty-one million six hundred 
and eighty-four thousand one hundred and seventy-six square feet, or three 
thousand and sixteen acres; one-half of which, fifteen hundred and eight acres, 
was reserved for the use of the United States, and the remaining half assigned 
to the original proprietors; fifteen hundred and thirty-six acres belonged to the 
United States."* 

If we have made ourselves understood in our remarks, it must ap- 
pear that, although perhaps more extensive than was necessary, the 
whole plan is not to be condemned because not already occupied with 
a population proportionate to its pretensions. It must be remembered 
that it is laid out for a future as well as a present generation. Would 
that the old Knickerbockers had looked forward as much, and made half 
the provisions for wide streets and ventilation, which has been done at 
the city of Washington ! Every possible want of the Government, for 
centuries to come, is here anticipated. But it will be shown hereafter 
that, as it is a plan suited only for a Government city, the Government 
must contribute its share towards filling it up. 

* Watterston's New Guide to "Washington. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMEXT OP THE UNITED STATES. 41 



CHAPTER III. 

EMBAEEASSMENTS AND REMEDIES WASniNGTON's LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR OF MART-* 

LAND, ASKING FOR A LOAN ACKNOWLEDGING LOAN RELATIVE TO WORK ON PUBLIC 

BUILDINGS HIS DEATH OCCUPATION OF CITY BY GOVERNMENT AND CONGRESS, AND 

ADDRESSES ON THE OCCASION APPEARANCE OF THE CITY AT THIS TIME DESCRIBED IN 

LETTERS OF JOHN COTTON SMITH, OLIVER WOLCOTT, AND MRS. PRESIDENT ADAMS PRO- 
GRESS OF THE CITY, AND CAUSES WHICH RETARDED ITS GROWTH ^LOTTERY DEBT 

CHESAPEAKE AND OHIO CANAL ^WHY SHOULD CONGRESS EXPEND SO MUCH TIME AND 

MONEY ON THE DISTRICT? WANT OF SUFFICIENT LEGISLATION ^PLANNED RATHER FOR 

THE COUNTRY AT LARGE, THAN THE CONVENIENCE OF PRESENT INHABITANTS FUND DE- 
RIVED FROM CITY LOTS EXPENDITURES BY THE CITY ON IMPROVEMENTS VALUE OF 

PRIVATE AND PUBLIC PROPERTY SHOULD THE NATION PAY TAXES? ABSENCE OF SYS- 
TEM IN EXPENDITURES OF THE GOVERNMENT AND THE CITY ALL OBLIGATIONS WILL 

BE REDEEMED BY WATER WORKS THEIR COST AND IMPORTANCE REPRESENTATION 

NOT DESIRED MR. WEBSTEr's ADDRESS ON LAYING CORNER-STONE OF CAPITOL 

EXTENSION. 

It was not without the most uutiricg exertions on tlie part of General 
Washington, that sufficient means were obtained for the completion of 
the public buildings by the time specified, (1800.) An immense pile of 
correspondence carried on by him with both public and private indi- 
viduals, up to the very close of his life, attests the intense interest which 
he took in whatever pertained to the establishment and prosperity of 
the city. Many of these letters relate to the progress of the public 
buildings, especially the Capitol, to the prompt completion of which he 
seems to have looked as an event almost ominous of the permanent 
establishment of the Government at this place. Virginia had made a 
donation of $120,000,* and Maryland one of 172,000 — these«vere now 
exhausted. After various efforts to raise money by the forced sales of 
public lots, and after abortive attempts to borrow money at home and 
abroad, on the credit of these lots ; amidst general embarrassment, whilst 
Congress withheld any aid whatever, the urgency appeared to the Pre- 
sident so great, as to induce him to make a personal application to the 
State of Maryland for a loan*. Nothing can exceed the characteristic 
force with which it is written, or more strikingly exhibit the imperative 
necessity which overruled all etiquette and form ; for it seems that the 
Attorney-General had expressed some doubts as to the propriety of such 

* Within a few years a claim has been presented to Congress for this amount 
by the Orange and Alexandria Raiboad Company, as assignee of the interest 
of the State of Virginia, on the ground that it was a loan and not a donation. 
This claim was very ably reviewed by Senator Broadhead in a report, (Senate 
doc, 32d Congress, 1st session, No. 49,) in which many points dwelt upon in our 
first chapter are discussed at length, and the conclusion arrived at, that Vir- 
ginia and Mai'yland made these donations to secure the Seat of Government in 
their midst, with no thought of repayment. 



43 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

a letter, it not having been usual for the President to correspond, but 
by the channels of certain officers, who, in this instance, would be the 
Commissioners. 

George Washinffton to his Excellency, J. H. Stone, Governor of Mary- 
land. 

PniLADELPniA, Dec. 7, 1796. 

Sir: The attempts lately made by the Commissioners of the city of Washing- 
ton to borrow money in Europe, for the purpose of carrying on tlie public build- 
ings, having failed or been retarded, they have been authorized by me to apply 
to your State for a loan of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, upon terms 
which they will communicate. Such is the present condition of foreign nations 
with respect to money, that, according to the best information, there is no 
reasonable hope of obtaining a loan in any of them immediately, and application 
can now only be made in the United States upon this subject with any prospect 
of success, and perhaps nowhere with greater propriety than to the legislature 
of Maryland; where, it must be presumed, the most anxious solicitude is felt 
for the growth and prosperity of that city, which is intended for the permanent 
Seat of Government for America. 

If the State has it in its power to lend the money which is solicited, I per- 
suade myself it will be done ; and the more especially at this time, when a loan 
is so indispensable, that, without it, not only very great and many impediments 
must be induced in the prosecution of the work now in hand, but inevitable 
loss must be sustained by the fuads of the city, in consequence of premature 
Bales of public property. I have thought I ought not to omit to state, for the 
information of the General Assembly, as well the difficulty of obtaining money 
on loan, as the present necessity for it; which I must request the favor of you 
most respectfully to communicate. 

The application was successful, and the State of Maryland, while 
complying with the personal request of the President for a loan, passed 
resolutioift in testimony of their high regard for Washington himself. 
The amount loaned was $100,000; and it exhibits the deplorable credit 
of the General Government, at that time, when a State called upon the 
private credit of the Commissioners, as an additional guarantee of the 
repayment of the loan, 

Washington to Gustavus Scott, one of the Commissioners, on ledrning 
the action of Maryland. 

Philadelphia, December 26, 1Y96. 

Sir: Your favor of the 15th inst. was not received until the 22d; to what the 
delay is to be ascribed I know not. 

The voice of Maryland, as expressed by its Legislature in the resolutions 
which you enclosed, is flattering indeed, as respects myself personally, and highly 
pleasing as relates to their federal sentiments. I thank you for sending them. 

From what you have said of the disposition of the Senate of that State, the 
presumption is, that the loan of $100,000, for the use of the Federal city, must, 
ere this, have passed through all the requisite forms. The necessity of the case 
justified the obtaining it almost on any terms ; and the zeal of the Commissioners 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 43 

(if they in their individual capacities, which they surely may do, without haz- 
arding anything) in making themselves liable for the amount, as it could not be 
had without, cannot fail of approbation. At the same time, I must confess that 
the request has a very singular appearance, and will not, I should suppose, be 
very grateful to the feelings of Congress. 

Washington to the Commissioners of the City of Washington, relative 
to work on Public Buildings. 

February loth, noT. 

Gentlemen: Several of your letters have been received within a few days; 
and notwithstanding the accumulation of business consequent of the near epoch 
for my quitting the chair of government, the receipt of them shoiild not have 
remained so long unacknowledged, had I not placed such as related to the power 
of attorney and to some disputed points into the hands of the Law Officer of 
the United States, for his official opinion, without having received his report, 
owing, I believe, to his having been hurried almost as much as myself. 

Thus circumstanced, I shall confine the subject of this letter wholly to the 
expression of my sentiments relative to the public buildings, conceiving it ne- 
cessary that you should be informed of them without delay. 

When, in the course of the Autumn, you suggested the pi'opriety of designa- 
ting sites for the executive offices, and for providing materials for their erection, 
I yielded a ready assent; and still think that if we had the means at command, 
and no doubt was entertained of the adequacy of them, these buildings ought 
to commence. 

But when the difficulty in obtaining loans, and the disadvantageous terms on 
which money is borrowed has since become so apparent; when I see those whose 
interest it is to appreciate the credit of the city and to aid the Commissioners in 
all their laudable exertions, brooding over their jealousies and spreading the 
seeds of distrust; and when I perceive (as I clearly do) that the public mind is 
in a state of doubt, if not despair, of having the principal buildings in readiness 
for Congress by the time contemplated ; for these reasons I say, and for others 
that might be enumerated, I am now decidedly of opinion that the edifices for 
the executive offices ought to be suspended; that the work on the house for the 
President should advance no faster (at the expense or retardment of the Capitol) 
than is necessary to keep pace therewith and to preserve it from injury; and 
that all the means not essential for other purposes, and all the force, ought to 
be employed on the Capitol. 

It may be relied on that it is the progress of that building that is to inspire or 
depress public confidence. Under any circumstances, this, more or less, would 
be the case. But when it is reported by many, and believed by some, (without 
foundation, I am persxiaded,) that there is a bias elsewhere, it is essential, on the 
score of policy and for the gratification of the public wishes, that the work 
should be vigorously prosecuted in the manner I have suggested, and I require 
it accordingly. Considered in a simple point of view, the matter stp.nds thus — 
are the funds sufficient to accomplish all the objects which are contemplated? 
If doubts arise, then which of these objects are to be preferred ? On this ground, 
there would be but one opinion; every body would cry out — "the Capitol." 
Again, admit that the resources will ultimately be adequate, but cannot be 
drawn forth in the ratio of your general wants, will not the same answer, as it 



44 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

respects time, apply with equal force to the building just mentioned? Tliis, 
then, appears safe ground to proceed on. It would gratify the public wishes 
and expectations; might possibly appease clamor; and if all the buildings can- 
not be completed in time, no material evil would result fi'om the postponement 
of the subordinate offices until the Capitol is in such a state of forwardness as 
to remove all doubts of its being ready for the reception of Congress by the 
time appointed. Another good (mentioned in a former letter) would flow from 
it; which is, that in proportion as that building advanced and doubts subsided, 
private buildings would be erected where they are most wanted for the accom- 
modation of the members. The public offices might shift (as they have done) 
a while longer. I write in much haste for this morning's post, that the letter 
may get to you in the course of the week. If I have expressed myself in such 
a manner as to be clearly understood, it is enough. 

General Washington did not, however, live to see his wishes fulfilled. 
He died on the 14th of December, IVOQ. 

The Commissioners reported that the public buildings would be ready 
for the reception of the Government in the summer of 1800. Accord- 
ingly, the executive offices were, in the month of June in that year, 
removed thither from Philadelphia, and Congress commenced its ses- 
sion there on the third Monday of November following. On this occa- 
sion, in his opening speech. President Adams said : ^" I congratulate the 
people of the United States on the assembling of Congress at the per- 
manent Seat of their Government ; and I congratulate you, gentlemen, 
on the prospect of a residence not to be exchanged. It would be un- 
becoming the representatives of this nation to assemble for the first time 
in this, solemn temple, without looking up to the Supreme Ruler of the 
universe, and imploring his blessing. It is with you, gentlemen, to 
consider whether the local powers over the District of Columbia, 
vested by the Constitution in the Congress of the United States, 
shall be immediately exercised. If, in your opinion, this important 
trust ought now to be executed, you cannot fail, while performing it, 
to take into view the future probable situation of the territory, for the 
happiness of which you are about to provide. You will consider it as 
the capital of a great nation, advancing with unexampled rapidity in 
arts, in commerce, in wealth, and in population, and possessing within 
itself those resources, which, if not thrown away, or lamentably misdi- 
rected, will secure to it a long course of prosperity and self-govern- 
ment." 

The Senate, in their reply, said : " We meet you, sir, and the other 
branch of the national legislature, in the city which is honored by the 
name of our late hero and sage, the illustrious Washington, with sensa- 
tions and emotions which exceed our power of description." 

The House of Representatives, in reply, said : " The final establish- 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 45 

ment of the Seat of National Government, wliicli lias now taken place 
in the District of Columbia, is an event of no small importance in the 
political transactions of our country. Nor can we on this occasion 
omit to express a hope that the spirit which animated the great founder 
of this city, may descend to future generations ; and that the wisdom, 
magnanimity, and steadiness, which mai'ked the events of his public 
life, may be imitated in all succeeding ages. A consideration of those 
powers which have been vested in Congress over the District of Colum- 
bia, will not escape our, attention ; nor shall we forget that, in exercising 
those powers, a regard must be had to those events which will neces- 
sarily attend the capital of America." 

We have thus traced the history of our national capital up to the 
period of its first occupation. 

For ten years anterior to the removal of the public offices, it is 
known traditionally that the area of Washington scarcely contained five 
hundred inhabitants, most of the houses being mere cabins, erected for 
the temporary accommodation of laborers. 

The appearance of the city at this time is thus described by the Hon. 
John Cotton Smith, of Connecticut. He was a distinguished member 
of Congress of the Federal school of politics : 

" Our approach to the city was accompanied with sensations not easily de- 
scribed. One wing of the Capitol only had been erected, which, with the Pre- 
sident's house, a mile distant from it, both constructed with white sandstone, 
were shining objects in dismal contrast with the scene around them. Instead 
of recognising the avenues and streets portrayed on the plan of the city,.not one 
was visible, unless we except a road, with two buildings on each side of it, called 
the New Jersey avenue. The Pennsylvania, leading, as laid down on paper, 
from the Capitol to the Presidential mansion, was then nearly the whole dis- 
tance a deep morass, covered with alder bushes, which were cut through the 
width of the intended avenue during the then ensuing winter. Between the 
■president's house and Georgetown a block of houses had been erected, which 
then bore, and may still bear, the name of the six buildings. There were also 
two other blocks, consisting of two or three dwelling houses, in different direc- 
tions, and now and then an insulated wooden habitation ; the intervening spaces, 
and, indeed, the surface of the city generally, being covered with shrub oak 
bushes on the higher grounds, and on the marshy soil either trees or some sort 
of shrubbery. Nor was the desolate aspect of the place a little augmented by 
a number of unfinished edifices at Greenleaf s Point, and on an eminence a 
short distance from it, commenced by an individual whose name they bore, but 
the state of whose funds compelled him to abandon them, not only xmfinished, 
but in a ruinous condition. There appeared to be but two really comfortable 
habitations in all respects within the bounds of the city, one of which belonged 
to Dudley Carroll, Esq., and the other to Kotley Young,* who were the former 

* This was taken down in 1854, to make room for south Gr street. It was a 
fine old structure overlooking the Potomas. 



46 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 

proprietors of a large proportion of the land appropriated to the city, but who 
reserved for their own accommodation ground sufficient for gardens and other 
useful appurtenances. The roads in every direction were muddy and unim- 
proved. A sidewalk was attempted in one instance by a covering formed of 
the chips of the stones which had been hewed for the Capitol. It extended but 
a little way, and was of little value ; for in dry weather the sharp fragments 
cut our shoes and in wet weather covered them with white mortar. In short, 
it was a 'new settlement.' The houses, with two or three exceptions, had 
been very recently erected, and the operation greatly hurried in view of the 
approaching transfer of the National Government. A laudable desire was 
manifested by what few citizens and residents there were to render our condi- 
tion as pleasant as circumstances would permit. One of the blocks of buildings 
already mentioned was situated on the east side of what was intended for the 
Capitol square, and, being chiefly occupied by an extensive and well-kept hotel, 
accommodated a goodly number of the members. Our little party took lodg- 
ings with a Mr. Peacock, in one of the houses on the New Jersey avenue, with 
the addition of Senators Tracy, of Connecticut, and Chipman and Paine, of Ver- 
mont; and Representatives Thomas, of Maryland, and Dana, Edmond, and 
Griswold, of Connecticut. Speaker Sedgwick was allowed a room to himself; 
the rest of us in pairs. To my excellent friend Davenport and myself was al- 
lotted a spacious and decently furnished apartment, with separate beds, on the 
lower floor. Our diet was various, but always substantial, and we were attend- 
ed by active and faithful servants. A large proportion of the Southern mem- 
bers took lodgings at Georgetown, which, though of a superior order, were 
three miles distant from the Capitol, and of course rendered the daily employ- 
ment of hackney coaches indispensable. -, 

" Notwithstanding the unfavorable aspect which "Washington presented on our 
arrival, I cannot sufficiently express my admiration of its local position. From 
the Capitol you have a distinct view of its fine undulating surface, situated at 
the confluence of the Potomac and its eastern branch, the wide expanse of that 
majestic river to the bend at Mount Vernon, the cities of Alexandria and 
Georgetown, and the cultivated fields and blue hills of Maryland and Virginia 
on either side of the river, the whole constituting a prospect of surpassing 
beauty and grandeur. The city has also the inestimable advantage of delightful 
water, in many instances flowing from copious springs, and always attainable 
by digging to a moderate depth ; to which may be added the singular fact that 
such is the due admixture of loam and clay in the soil of a great portion of the 
city that a house may be built of brick made of the earth dug from the cellar; 
hence it was not unusual to see the remains of a brick-kiln near the newly 
erected dwelling house or other edifice. In short, when we consider not only 
these advantage?, but what, in a national point of view, is of superior impor- 
tance, the location on a fine navigable river, accessible to the whole maratime 
frontier of the United States, and yet easily rendered defensible against foreign 
invasion; and that, by the facilities of internal navigation and railway's, it may 
be approached by the population of the Western States, and indeed of the 
whole nation, with less inconvenience than any other conceivable situation, we 
must acknowledge that its selection by Washington as the permanent Seat of 
the Federal Government, affords a striking exhibition of the discernment, wis- 
dom, and forecast, which characterized that illustrious man. Under tl.is im- 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 47 

pression, wlienever, during the six years of my connexion with Congress, the 
question of removing the Seat of Government to some other place was agitated — 
and the proposition was frequently made — I stood almost alone as a Northern 
man in giving ray vote in the negative." 

In June of 1800, Mr. Oliver Wolcott, then Secretary of tlie Treasury, 
taking time by the forelock, came to " the city," that he might ascer- 
tain whether the building which had been erected for the accommoda- 
tion of his de^jartment would sujBBce for that purpose. On the 4th of 
July he addressed a letter to Mrs. Wolcott, in which he thus describes 
his first impressions of the city: 

"I write this letter in the building erected for the use of the Treasury De- 
partment in the city of Washington ; and, this being a day of leisure, I shall 
be able to give you some idea of this famous place, the permanent seat of Amer- 
ican Government. 

"The city of Washington, or at least some part of it, is about forty miles from 
Baltimore. The situation is pleasant, and indeed beautiful; the prospects are 
equal to those which are called ^ooc? ou Connecticut river; the soil is here called 
good, but I call it bad. It is an exceedingly stiff reddish clay, which becomes 
dust in dry, and mortar in rainy weather. * * * 

"It [the President's House] was built to be looked at by visiters and strangers, 
and will render its occupant an object of ridicule with some and of pity with 
others. It must be cold and damp in winter, and cannot be kept in tolerable 
order without a regiment of servants. 

"The Capitol is situated on an eminence, which I should suppose was near 
the centre of the immense country here called the city. It is a mile and a half 
fi'om the President's House, and three miles on a straight line from Georgetown. 
There is one good tavern about forty rods from the Capitol, and several other 
houses are built and erecting; but I do not perceive how the members of Con- 
gress can possibly secure lodgings, imless tliey will consent to live like scholars 
in a college or monks in a monastery, crowded ten or twenty in one house, and 
■utterly secluded from society. The only resource for such as wish to live comfort- 
ably will, I thiak, be found in Georgetown, three miles distant, over as bad a 
road in winter as the clay grounds near Hartford. 

"I have made every exertion to secure good lodgings near the ofBce, but shall 
be compelled to take them at the distance of more than half a mile. There are, 
in fact, butyew houses at any one place, and most of them small miserable huts, 
which present an awtul contrast to the public buildings. The people are poor, 
and, as far as I can judge, they live like fishes, by eating each other. All the 
ground for several miles around the city being, in the opinion of the people, too 
valuable to be cultivated, remains unfenced. There are but few enclosures, even 
for gardens, and those are in bad order. You may look in almost any direction, 
over an extent of ground nearly as large as the city of New York, without see- 
ing a fence or any object except brick-kilns and temporary huts for laborers. * 
* * Greenleaf's Point presents the appearance of a considerable town which 
had been destroyed by some unusual calamity. There are [at Greenleaf's Point] 
fifty or sixty spacious houses, five or six of which are occupied by negroes and 
vagrants, aad a few more by decent looking people; but there are no fences, 



48 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

gardens, nor the least appearance of business. This place is about a mile and 
a half south of the Capitol." 

President Adams (the elder) arrived with his family in November of 
the same year. On the 25th of that month Mrs. Adams wrote to her 
daughter, Mrs. Smith, as follows : 

" I arrived here on Sunday last, and without meeting with any accident 
worth noticing, except losing ourselves when we left Baltimore, and going eight 
or nine miles on the Frederick road, by which means we were obliged to go the 
other eight through the woods, where we wandered two hours without finding 
a guide or the path. Fortunately a straggling black came up with us, and we 
engaged him as a guide to extricate us out of our difficulty ; but woods are all 
you see from Baltimore until you reach the city, which is only so in name. Here 
and there is a small cot, without a glass window, interspersed amongst the 
forests, through which you travel miles without seeing any human being. In 
the city there are buildings enough, if they were compact and finished, to ac- 
commodate Congress and those attached to it; but as they are, and scattered 
as they are, I see no great comfort for them. * * 

"The house [President's] is upon a grand and superb scale, requiring about 
thirty servants to attend and keep the apartments in proper order, and perform 
the ordinary business of the house and stables — an establishment very well 
proportioned to the President's salary. The lighting the apartments, from the 
kitchen to parlors and chambers, is a tax indeed, and the fires we are obliged 
to keep to secure us from daily agues is another very cheering comfort. To 
assist us in this great castle and render less attendance necessary bells are wholly 
wanting, not one single one being hung through the whole house, and promises 
are all you can obtain. This is so great an inconvenience that I know not what 
to do or how to do. The ladies from Georgetown and in the city have many of 
them visited me. Yesterday I returned fifteen visits. But siich a place as 
Georgetown appears ! Why, our Milton is beautiful. But no comparisons ; if 
they put me iip bells and let me haA* wood enough to keep fires I design to be 
pleased. But, surrounded with forests, can you believe that wood is not to be 
had, because people cannot be found to cut and cart it. * * * * We have 
indeed come into a new coimtry. 

"The house is made habitable, but there is not a single apartiuent finished, 
and all within side, except the plastering, has been done since B. came. We 
have not the least fence, yard, or convenience without, and the great unfinished 
audience-room I make a drying-room of, to hang up the clothes in. * * If ' 
the twelve years in which this place has been considered as the future seat of 
Government had been improved, as they would have been in New England, vezy 
many of the present inconveniences would have been removed. It is a beauti- 
ful spot, capable of any improvement, and the more I view it the more I am 
delighted with it." 

It must be confessed that the city has not progressed in the rapid 
ratio which its founders so sanguinely predicted. Although they may 
not have anticipated anything to compare with the magnificence and 
luxury which, in many of the European couits, have almost sufficed to 
build up a city, yet they probably overrated the attractions of the Gov- 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 49 

ernment and Congress. And these, indeed, are sufBcient to have drawn 
together a much larger population of the retired and wealthy of' other 
cities to reside there, for at least a portion of the year, had Congress 
complied with its promises, so readily made at is first session, in carry- 
ing on a large and judicious system of improvements, so as to have 
made it a toore attractive residence. Had they caused public grounds 
connecting the Capitol and President's house, to be planted with trees, 
and suitably enclosed and protected, instead of confining all their ex- 
penditures to the immediate vicinity of the executive and legislative 
ofiices, and leaving the remainder a comparative waste, the city would 
have possessed a much more inviting aspect to strangers; the scattered 
villages would at this time have been connected by a park, and induce- 
ments to build and improve would have been greatly increased. 

The following statistics, which we copy from the National Intelligencer 
of December 12, 1853, will sustain this position. They present a con- 
densed view of the progress of population in the city for the last fifty- 
three years. The first period includes the members of the Government, 
clerks and others, who came here with the transfer of the seat of Gov- 
ernment, as well as all the artisans and laborers employed on the public 
grounds : 

In 1800 3,210 In 1820 13,474 

In 1803 4,332 In 1830 18,831 

In 1807 5,652 In 1840 24,300 * 

In 1810 8,208 In 1850 40,001 

In 1818 .....11,499 In 1853 53,000 

[The last is an estimated amount pi'obably considerably within the actual 
population.] 

By these tables it will be seen that for the first thirty years the in- 
crease of the population was only 15,621, or a fraction more than 520 
souls per annum. In the next ten years the rate of increase was a 
fraction less than 567 per annum. From 1840 to 1850 the increase, in 
round numbers, was 15,500, or at the average rate of l,550^er annum; 
and in the last three years the increase has been 13,000, or at the rate 
of 4,333 and a fraction per annum. Taking the last thirteen years to- 
gether, the increase has been 28,500, or at the average rate of 2,192 
and a fraction. So that the increase of the last thirteen years amounts 
to more than the whole increase of the first /oriy years.* 

* In the census of 1850, the ratio of increase in the District since 1840 is 18.24 • 
but the fact of Alexandria having been retroceded since 1840 was apparently 
not taken into consideration. Deducting the population of Alexandria city and 
county from the census of 1840, and the increase of the rest of the District is 
at the rate of nearly thirty-three per cent. According to the valuable and 
accurate tables prepared by Mr. Sessford, the population had increased ten years 
since the census of 1850 — or ten thousand in two years. 
4 



50 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

" These results," says the Intelligencer, " are so different from any to 
be found in the progressive growth of other cities that we must natu- 
rally look to the operation of some extraordinary cause for their pro- 
duction, having no influence on the natural increase of population in 
other communities. This cause, we have no doubt, has been the un- 
certainty so long existing as to the city's being the 'permanent Seat of 
Government. Having neither commerce nor manufactures to offer as 
inducements to men of capital, to remove from places of active busi- 
ness to a city depending for its prosperity upon the apparently unsettled 
will of a majority in Congress, its population of course had no aids to 
its natural rate of increase ; and this for the first forty years was a trifle 
more than one and a half per cent. For the last eight or ten years all 
uncertainty as to the permanence of the Seat of Government seems to 
have been dissipated. The liberality of Congress in the expenditure of 
money for its improvement has given an impulse to the enterprise of 
our moneyed citizens ; and streets that ten years ago had scarcely houses 
enough upon them to mark their locality, are now thickly-settled places 
of business. A new and more tasteful style of architecture has taken 
the place of the uncouth and inconvenient models of earlier times. The 
number of large and splendid buildings which have been erected as 
hotels, refectories, and private mansions, within the last three or four 
years, has entirely changed the face of the city, and given it an appear- 
ance more worthy of its name and more indicative of future grandeur." 

Another cause of the slow progress of the city, has been the unfor- 
tunate result of one of those lottery schemes, to which it was formerly 
fashionable to resort for the purpose of erecting public buildings. In 
this instance, the object was to build a city hall and court-house ; but, 
instead of adding to the funds of the city, a debt of nearly $200,000 
was contracted. It may be here remarked, however, that such a build- 
ing has been partially erected, at an expense of $90,000. The Govern- 
ment has, since the year 1823, occupied about one-half of this edifice 
for a court-house, and has given $40,000 toward the cost — less than has 
been appropriated in most other territories for the same purpose. An 
additional reason, if any were wanting, why the United States should 
contribute largely to this purpose, is, that a large proportion of the 
business of the courts, which calls for extra accommodation, grows out 
of suits in which citizens of other States are concerned, and not of the 
local business of the place. 

But the greatest drawback upon the prosperity of the city, has pro- 
ceeded from one of those schemes of internal improvement which have 
involved so many States of this Union, and in which the city was en- 
, couraged to embark by the action of Congress. We \m& seen that the 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 51 

founders of the city counted largely upon the advantages to accrue from 
the western inland trade with Georgetown and Washington, by a con- 
nection between the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers ; a project 
which was regarded as easy of execution. 

At a day anterior to the cession of this District by the States of 
Maryland and Virginia, those two States had incorporated a company 
for the improvement of the river Potomac, in the stock of which Gen- 
eral Washington became largely interested. The great object of desire 
continued to be to achieve this work as far as the town of Cumberland, 
at the base of the Alleghany Mountains, under the confident belief that 
when that rich mineral region should be reached, a new and greatly 
enlarged source of trade would be opened, which could not fail to en- 
rich the three corporations of the District. " The canal was designed 
to have been constructed of the width of thirty feet, and to the depth 
of three feet of water ; the consummation of which, there is little reason 
to doubt, was fully within the means of the District, with the aid of 
Virginia and" Maryland."* / The subject soon attracted a- very general 
interest, and in November, 1823, a convention of delegates, chosen by 
people of various counties in Maryland, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
and by the corporate authorities of the District of Columbia, assembled 
at Washington. New interests had now been brought into connection 
with the subject, and the object to be obtained became proportionably 
enlarged. The attention of the Government was given to the subject, 
and it came to be considered as important that the work should be en- 
larged, and extended to the Ohio River, in part by national appropria- 
tions. In this light President Monroe esteemed it, and accordingly, in 
his annual message, in December, 1823, submitted it to the considera- 
tion of Congress, as a subject of the highest importance to the general 
interest. Congress, on the 28th of May, 1828, passed an act subscribing 
$1,000,000, upon condition that the dimensions of the canal should be 
enlarged. The canal was to be sixty feet wide, and six feet deep ; and 
the expense of the work, as far as Cumberland, was estimated by United 
States engineers at over $8,000,000 ; exceeding the estimated cost on 
the old plan by more than $5,000,000. The committee, in their report 
to Congress, February 3d, 1836, from which many of these statements 
are derived, remark : — " In short, no room was left to doubt but that 
the Government seriously designed to give its best energies to the entire 
completion of the work. It was perfectly natural, under the circum- 
stances, that the inhabitants of the District should become deeply in- 
terested in the project. The city of Washington subscribed $1,000,000, 

* Senate Doc. No. 211, 26th Congress, 1st session, which embodies full par- 
ticulars relative to the canaL 



52 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

and Alexandria and Georgetown $250,000 each. They may in truth 
be regarded as having been stimulated to make these large subscrip- 
tions, so much beyond their fiscal means, by the direct action of the 
Government. Without the consent of the Government, they had no 
authority to make the subscriptions ; and the interest taken by the 
Government in their becoming subscribers, is sufficiently manifest by 
the terms of the act of Congress." 

The Government was aware of the incapacity of the subscribers to 
meet the payment of their subscriptions, without contracting a loan ; 
and to enable them to do so, it gave the most unquestioned pledge that 
the loan, and all interest that might accrue on it, should be paid. It 
assumed the supervision of its payment. If the Government had con- 
tinued its countenance to this work ; if it had given from time to time, 
from the public treasury, its aid, as it had done in similar cases, and, as 
there was every reason to suppose they would have done in this, the 
stock of the canal would have continued to increase in value, and thus 
the means have been always in the hands of the District cities to reim- 
burse their debt. An opposite policy, however, prevailed in relation to 
the connection of Government with internal improvements; some of 
those high in office, who had most strenuously advocated it at first, 
having changed their views. Maryland put her shoulder to the wheel, 
and contracted an enormous debt ; but, as usually happens in such works, 
the estimates were below the actual cost, and the canal did not reach 
that point which would insure any considerable revenue. So long as 
there was any prospect of this," the citizens of Washington exerted 
themselves to the utmost to sustain the burden, by taxing themselves, 
and borrowing money to pay the interest; by which a large additional 
debt was added to the already oppressive burden. In this state of 
things, Congress were moved by the consideration hereinbefore men- 
tioned, and the strong equity growing out of them in favor of the peo- 
ple, who, by the Constitution, are placed under its exclusive guardian- 
ship, and who, by its change of policy, were thus " devoted to destruc- 
tion," The debt of $1,000,000 was assumed by the Government, and 
the stock of the city taken as security for the repayment. 

The aid thus obtained from Congress was very great, although the 
city was still left in debt to the amount of nearly $800,000, (being for 
money borrowed to pay interest, and the lottery debt.) 

The canal is now completed to Cumberland, and the black diamonds 
are brought down in considerable quantities ; but, as yet, the city of 
Washington has derived little advantage from it; and, what with the- 
superior facilities for shipping at Alexandria, the enormous cost of the 
canal, and the railroad competition, it is doubtful whether one-half the 
sanguine expectations of its projectors will ever be realized. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 53 

The question is frequently put, Why should Congress take up so 

MUCH time in legislating FOR THE DISTRICT, AND EXPEND SO MUCH 
MONEY IN MAKING STREETS, AQUEDUCTS, AND BRIDGES IN WASHINGTON, 
WHEN THE INHABITANTS OF OTHER PLACES TAX THEMSELVES FOR ALL 

THESE THINGS ? Many persons have the idea that the people of the 
District are not taxed at all. 

As well, in order to justify to their constituents those representatives 
who have voted for appropriations, as to vindicate the citizens from the 
imputation of abject dependence, we propose to answer this question as 
succinctly as possible, and in so doing we shall incidentally set forth, 
some other causes which have retarded its growth, in addition to those 
already mentioned. 

1, First then, for wise reasons. Congress has been constituted the sole 
Legislature of the District, and surely two or three days each session 
cannot be considered as too much time to be devoted to the legislation 
of a population of seventy thousand, constantly on the increase. 

The fact is, that, for many years past, scarcely one day in a session 
has been given to this subject ; almost all that has been done, having 
been in the shape of amendments to the civil and diplomatic appropria- 
tion bill. The old Maryland laws still govern, and many of them are 
antiquated and poorly adapted to the wants of the community. It is 
with the utmost difficulty that corporate facilities can be obtained for 
the most essential objects. Chief Justice Cranch, of the Circuit Court, 
■ many years ago, compiled a civil, and Mr. Edward Livingston, a crimi- 
nal code, and these were revised and reported upon by a joint commit- 
tee of the two houses in 1833, but no action has ever been taken upon 
the reports. However, it is, perhaps, better to have too little than too 
much legislation, as is the case in most of the States. 

2. In the next place, Washington is unlike all other cities in this re- 
spect, that it was planned rather to suit the future wants of the country 
at large, than the convenience of the resident population. In other 
cities the population is concentrated in one place, and the expenditures 
in extending streets are made in proportion as the increase of popula- 
tion requires it. New York, for instance, commenced at the Battery, 
and has gradually extended up. Had the Dutch burghers been required 
to open streets to Union square, when the population were all concen- 
trated below the City Hall, it would have been thought a very unrea- 
sonable requirement. And yet, the proper connexion of the Capitol 
with the Navy Yard, President's house, Georgetown, and the Arsenal, 
required in Washington the opening of many miles of connecting streets, 
when the population consisted of only four or five thousand. This subject 
was very fully considered by the Hon. Samuel L. Southard, in a report 



64 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OP THE UNITE© STATES. 

made to the Senate on the 2d February, 1835, and sustained by letters 
of Mr. Jefferson, and others, appended thereto.* He remarks : " The 
plan of the city is one of unusual magnitude and extent ; the avenues 
and streets are very wide, and,, for the number of the inhabitants, much 
greater in distance than those of any other city on this continent, and 
necessarily require a proportionate expenditure to make and keep them 
in repair ;, and,, as the city has not grown in the usual manner, but has 
necessarily been created in a short space of time, the pressure for the 
public improvements has been alike sudden and burdensome. No peo- 
ple who anticipated the execution and subsequent support of it out of 
their own funds, would ever have dreamed of forming such a plan," 

It is in fact a plan calculated for the magnificent capital of a great 
nation,, but oppressive,, from its very dimensions and arrangements, to 
the inhabitants, if its execution, to any considerable extent, is to bs 
thrown upon them. The expense should at least be joint. This is more 
especially true in regard to the great avenues ; the main object of which 
was to minister to national pride, by connecting the public edifices with 
streets worthy the nation. 

3. A fund for these improvements has been partly provided out of 
city lots-. The proprietors of the laud conveyed the whole of it to 
Government for the purpose of establishing thereon a national city, 
according to such plan as the President might adopt. A plan was ac- 
cordingly made by Government, without consultation with the sett'ers, 
creating avenues and streets 100 tu 160 feet wide, and embracing an 
area of 7,134 acres. Of these 7,134 acres, Government retained as 
reservations 4,118 for streets, avenues, etc.; paid the proprietors but for 
512,, at the rate of £25 per acre, and returned to them half of the 
building-lots, (1,058 acres;) thus keeping 5,114 acres as a free gift ; the 
proceeds of the sales of which huilding-lots, it %vas by the deed of cession 
agreedy should he applied towards the improvement of the place — in 
grading and making streets, erecting bridges, and providing such other 
conveniences as the residence of the Government required. The right of 
soil in the streets was exclusively vested in the Government, and it was 
but a fair and reasonable presumption that the Government would bear 
a large portion of the expense of opening them. Up to the year 1854, 
about $800,000 had been received from sales of lots. A much larger 
sum might have been received, had the lots been sold in less haste, and 
not in so great numbers. Much the larger number were disposed of 
prior to 1794 ; and the interest ought to be added up to the time of 
each appropriation for the streets and avenues, in order to arrive at a 

* 23d Congress, 2d session. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 55 

correct estimate of the amount due from Government on this account, 
which would make it nearly double that amount. Seventy thousand 
dollars in lots has been given to colleges and charitable institutions, 
fifty thousand dollars of which was to colleges out of the city. 

4. The citizens have taxed themselves to the highest limit allowed 
by law, in order to bear their proportion of the expenses. 

From the manner in which assessments are made, this tax (seventy- 
five cents on the flOO, exclusive of special taxes for pumps, gas, 
pavements, etc.,) is as heavy as that of any other city in the Union, 
while from the manner in which it is necessarily expended, the return 
in the shape of benefits is much more indirect. Since it was incorpora- 
ed in the year 1802, up to 1854 there had been opened, graded, and im- 
proved, about forty miles of streets, costing an outlay of about $600,000 ; 
and there had been laid down about 3,000,000 superficial feet of brick 
pavement, about 25,000 feet of flag-footways, and numerous bridges and 
culverts erected, (including all the iron bridges across the canal.) More 
than two hundred thousand dollars have been expended on the canal 
through the city, concerning which it may be remarked that, whatever 
Government has contributed in addition to the foregoing, has been 
fully returned in the facilities furnished for transportation, without 
toll, of materials and coal to the public buildings and the navy yard, 
advantages which will be more fully appreciated hereafter. The ex- 
pense of the pavements is defrayed by a special tax on the property 
bordering on them ; and the streets, bridges, etc., by a tax on the prop- 
erty of the inhabitants generally. For the execution of all these works 
of improvement, and for the support of the poor and infirm, and the 
support of public schools, (which have received no grants of lands, such 
as have been given to other territories,) the inhabitants have been taxed 
to an aggregate amount of over $3,000,000. A better estimate of what 
the citizens have done can be formed from the fact, that the following 
are the only streets which have, to any considerable extent, been im- 
proved by the Government : Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, and 
Maryland avenues, and Four-and-a-half street. 

5. The Government pays no taxes, and it is therefore no more than 
proper that it should contribute something towards the support of the 
police and watch of the city, and the lighting and paving of the streets, 
which pass around its own property, which amounts to nearly as much 
as the private property. Had it paid taxes, the aggregate would have 
amounted to more than |2, 500, 000. 

In Mr. Southard's report, it is remarked that " in several States of the 
Union where the Government holds landed estate, it has paid taxes upon 
it, and these taxes have been expended for the ordinary municipal pur- 



56 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

poses of the places where the property was situated. In the acts of in- 
corporation, which give to the city of Washington a pg,rtial control and 
regulation over the streets, there is no exemption of the property of the 
Government from taxation ; and it might, perhaps, be j)roperly inferred 
that Congress did not intend that it should be exempted, but that it 
should be equally subject to those burdens which became necessary for 
the common benefit of the whole. But the corporate authorities have, 
with prudence and propriety, abstained from levying taxes upon it, and 
have laid the whole weight upon that part of the property which be- 
longed to individuals, while the Government has been equally partici- 
pant in the benefits which have resulted from them. '* * * The 
committee are not willing to recommend that there should be any 
change in this respect ; but they believe that provisions should be made 
by which mutual benefits should be met by mutual burdens, without 
attempting to decide this question." 

Whether it would be expedient, or consistent with the dignity of the 
nation, to place itself in the position of a tax-payer, may perhaps ad- 
mit of doubt; but it is no answer to say that, had the Government 
selected any other city for its residence, i^ublic buildings would have 
been provided, and many other sacrifices cheerfully incurred, for the 
sake of the benefits which would be thus conferred on the place, without 
any thought of taxation ; for assuming this to be true, other places would 
have it in their power to confine their expenditures within the space 
actually occupied; while the accommodations given to Government, 
however liberal, would, in most instances, be such as not to interfere with, 
but rather conform to the convenience of the inhabitants — whereas this 
city was laid out, in the first instance, for the sole convenience of the Gov- 
ernment; and hence, not only are the inhabitants burdened, in the way 
we have mentioned, with many useless and unnecessarily wide streets, 
but the public buildings, being scattered over a wide space, the city has 
grown up in separate villages around these edifices, and made it neces- 
sary to open and improve numbers of connecting streets, before there 
were inhabitants enough upon them to justify the expense. Besides, 
would other cities be willing to give up the exclusive jurisdiction to 
Congress, which experience has shown to be so essential, to secure equal 
privileges to all sections. But we will hazard the assertion that no 
city could have furnished such accommodations as the Government 
required in the way of buildings, certainly they could not have left as 
extensive reservations for the future wants of Government as are here' 
furnished. 

The amount of the canal debt assumed by Congress ($1,000,000) 
should not be charged against the city, because it was a measure iu 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 57 

which, as we have heretofore shown, it embarked on the invitation, as 
it were, of Congress. It was, in fact, a national undertaldng, and had 
not every reason been given to suppose the nation would do its part, the 
corporate authorities would never have embarked in it. But, putting 
this with the interest paid since its assumption, (that paid prior to the as- 
sumption the city is still indebted for,) and other appropriations for bridges 
across the Potomac, etc., not properly chargeable, into the account, we 
have for all the city appropriations since the city was established, say 
$3,000,000, which is a liberal estimate. Deducting from this the 
amount paid into the treasury on account of city lots, with interest, 
amounting to at least |1, 200,000, and we leave |1, 800,000, which, in 
consideration of what we have above stated with regard to the entire 
absence from taxation, does not seem to be such an extravagant amount. 
In fact, we think it leaves the United States decidedly on the debtor 
side. 

And here we will remark, that much more might have been accom- 
plished with the same amount of money, had Congress adopted any 
regular system. In the first place, they have not confided sufficient 
power to the city corporation to levy taxes for the improvement of the 
place, for lighting and paving the streets; and a few narrow-minded 
individuals in a single block may sometimes prevent a measure of the 
utmost public necessity. In the next place, there has been no division 
of duty between the corporation and the Government, Appropriations 
of one often clash with those of the other; and works commenced un- 
der an appropriation by Congress are allowed to go to ruin, before a 
sum is set apart with which to complete them. Either the Government 
should take the sole charge of certain avenues connecting public edi- 
fices, or they should vote a certain sum per annum in lieu of taxes, to 
be expended by the corporation, under direction of the President ; or 
what would be more equitable than all, they should provide that one- 
half the expense of opening and grading all streets of a width of one 
hundred or more feet be paid by the Government, in proportion as the 
work progresses. 

6. The great aqueduct which Congress is, we trust, about to complete 
will, when finished, be, perhaps, a sufiicient satisfaction for all obliga- 
tions of the Government to the city; but it is not purely for the benefit 
of the people resident here, that so large an undertaking is required. 
A reference to the plans and early history of the city conclusively show, 
that the work of supplying water was expected to devolve upon the 
Government. It could not be expected that the residents should fur- 
nish a supply sufiicient for the great fountains on the public grounds, 
and for sprinkling the wide avenues, all designed on a scale for a nation, 



58 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

ratlier than a local population. More than one-half the water supplied 
from any source would be wanted for Government purposes, and the 
Department wisely determined to provide for the future. As to the 
cost, it has been greatly over-rated. Lieutenant Meigs sums up the 
three plans, as follows : 

" The aqueduct from Rock creek, complete, to tlie Capitol, navy yard, and 
public buildings, including the high service in Georgetown, will cost $1,258,863. 
Advantages over the others, cheapness; supply in winter and spring, 26,732,300 
gallons, but liable, in the heats of summer, to be diminished to 9,860,000 gallons. 

"The Little Falls work, complete, will cost $1,597,415. Advantages — over 
the Great Falls project, cheapness; over Rock Creek, steadiness of supply; 
which, at the above cost, will be 12,000,000 of gallons, to be increased in time, 
by another pump and wheel, to 18,000,000. Disadvantages — a doubt as to the 
sufficiency of the water-power for a greater supply than 12,000,000 of gallons, 
and, by some engineers whom I have consulted, even for this amount in very 
dry seasons ; want of simplicity ; use of machinery always, however well con- 
structed, liable to injur^y and interruption ; want of reservoir space for settling 
the water; liability to interruption, for a time, during floods. 

"The Great Falls i")roject will cost, complete, $1,921,244. Constant and ever- 
lasting daily supply, 36,015,400 gallons. Advantages — simplicity and durabil- 
ity; perfect security and inexhaustible and unfailing source; lavish use, which 
can be indulged in in consequence of abundant supply; power of street-wash- 
ing, cooling the air, and embellishing the city by great fountains ; use for driving 
small machines, lathes, printing presses, and the like ; great space for settling 
and purifying in reservoirs, and great quantity in store for emergencies; small 
expense of keeping up the works when once established, and conseqiient low 
price of Avater delivered in houses or factories. 

" If the work is delayed hy meagre appropriations, its expense will be much in- 
creased; and I hope, hi that case, not to be held responsible for its cost above my 
estimate, ivhich is based upon a steady andrngorous prosecution of the work." 

When the water is once introduced, all citizens who take the water 
in their houses or factories must expect to pay a reasonable rent or tax, 
which no doubt will, in time, return interest at least on such part of 
the cost as is properly chargeable to the city, if not on the whole. 
The Corporation of Washington will undertake to collect such rent, 
and out of it to protect the Government from all costs of repairs, &c. 

Finally, it is not by what has been done, that the obligations of Con- 
gress in this matter are to be determined. If it was good policy to 
build a city expressly for a Seat of Government, it is policy to do it well ; 
if it was not good policy, it is now too late to undo what we have done. 
We have started Washington, and expended enough there to make it 
incumbent upon us to go on with it; if we are to have a national city, 
let it be worthy of the nation ; at all events, let us leave nothing half 
finished ; if we are to expend $5,000,000 on a Capitol, let us make the 
ground in front to conform in appearance to some degree ; if we are to 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 59 

open splendid streets, let us at least complete tliem so that tliey sliall 
prove safe promenades, and not, as now, sources of blinding dust. And, 
after all, the expense is of little real moment. What is an outlay of a 
few hundred thousand dollars per annum for such a purpose, to the 
people of the United States ? Who is not proud of every public work 
completed on a scale worthy the nation ? When have we heard a com- 
plaint from any section of the country, with regard to the appropria- 
tions heretofore made for these purposes ? Almost every committee of 
Congress who have had the claims of the District under consideration, 
nave recognized the propriety of such expenditures, on the ground that 
they were for the benefit of the nation at large. And the same may 
be said of most of our Presidents. Mr. Jefferson had no scruples when 
he planted the poplars upon the avenue, or when he desired to bring 
into the city the water from the falls of the Potomac, in order that a 
second Croton might everywhere bubble up on the reservations, and 
along the avenues, in sparkling fountains, instead of the present insig- 
nificant little stream which scarcely supplies the fish-pond and jet d'eux 
of the Capitol. Nor had General Jackson, when he proposed a splendid 
stone bridge over the Potomac, in place of the present ricketty wooden 
structure. 

More liberal views, as remarked before, are beginning to prevail in 
Congress. And let us not be understood as in any way assenting to 
the idea sometimes entertained, that there should be a representative of 
the District in that body. There have always been a considerable num- 
ber of members in both branches, who took correct views of their duty 
towards the Seat of Government, and have successfully carried through 
measures of great importance. Were there a representative upon whom 
the duty of watching over the interests of the city devolved, he would 
be in a measure left to do his work alone ; he would oftentimes be a 
mere politician, and render himself and his cause odious to those who 
might, under other circumstances, be on his side. Every thing that 
can keep the violence of party politics out of the place is desirable. 
As at present constituted, there are few cities of similar size where, 
in proportion to the population, the society presents so mixed a charac- 
ter, combined with so much that is really attractive. As in all places 
where many strangers congregate, there is a peculiar degree of inde- 
pendence in feelings and habits. The citizens unconnected with Gov- 
ernment become so accustomed to see the scenes of political strife acted 
over during each successive administration, that they have mostly ac- 
uired a habit of regarding them with comparative indifference; they 
are consequently peculiarly free from sectional prejudices. The public 
officers who form that part of the population most seen by a visitor, 



b\J THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

exhibit in tlieir ranks a singular medley of talent, mediocrity, oddity, 
and misfortune. 

The change which tates place on the approach of a session of Congress, 
after a long recess, has been most aptly compared to that of a great 
watering place on the approach of a fashionable season. Then comes 
the whole coterie of foreigners, gentlemen attracted by curiosity, poli- 
tical demagogues, claimants, patentees, letter writers, army and navy 
officers, office-hunters, gamblers, and blacklegs. Pennsylvania avenue 
presents an animated scene in the number of strangers from every sec- 
tion of the country, not excepting a representative or two from the 
Indian tribes. 

All fashions are here in vogue, and a party presents so much variety 
of character and habit, as to make it peculiarly attractive to a man of 
the world. 

The establishment of the Smithsonian Bequest must tend to draw 
thither men of science, who will make it their residence throughout the 
year, give more stability to society, and create an object of interest in- 
dependent of Government and Congress. 

The Washington Monument is slowly but steadily rising from the 
ground, and is becoming every year more attractive from the interest 
which is elicited by the manner in which funds are contributed through- 
out the land, (every one who has given, desiring to look upon the work,) 
and the sculptured blocks from States and associations. 

An Equestrian Statue of Jackson has, also, been reared mostly by 
private contributions, and the Government has ordered one of Wash- 
ington by the same artist. It is to be hoped that it will be placed on 
that part of the mall bounded by Twelfth and Fourteenth streets, between 
the Smithsonian grounds and the National monument. It will thus 
have a whole square to itself, and be visible from the Capitol to great 
advantage ; and around it there will be an opportunity for placing some 
of those other statues which were voted by the old Congress — one to 
General Greene, for instance. 

The triangular spaces which are being enclosed along Pennsylvania 
avenue, will form appropriate places for pedestrian statues to Clay, 
Webster, and J. Q. Adams, whose names are not only associated with 
the country at large, but especially embalmed in the memory of citi- 
zens here. But we propose to speak on this subject more at length in 
another chapter. 

There is an impression prevalent abroad that Washington is a very 
expensive place. These opinions are formed from the cost of boarding 
houses and hotels, where the charge per diem is regulated very much 
by the usages of similar establishments ia other cities ; but it is by 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 61 

liouselceeping tliat tlie cost of living is to be estimated. The value of 
land is controlled, and always must be to a greater or less degree, by 
tlie wants of tliose connected with the Government ; and rents are con- 
sequently lower, so that the majority of clerks can lease and even own 
property within a reasonable distance of the places of business and 
fashionable quarters to far greater advantage than they could in the 
same sections of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. The same 
causes which produce independence in manners and dress, operate in 
rngulating the size and finish of a house, its furniture, and style of 
living, and there is but little inducement to ape one's neighbor simply 
because " it is the fashion." An examination of the market reports in 
the public papers will show too that the cost of marketing of all kinds 
is below the average in other cities ; and those officers of Government 
who complain of the expense of living in Washington, if they compare 
their statements with those of older clerks, will frequently have the 
satisfaction of finding that it is their own fault, or the consequence of 
extravagant habits contracted when in better circumstances elsewhere. 
We do not mean to assert that the salaries of our public functionaries 
are in all cases sufficiently high for the style of living they are expected 
to sustain. A Secretary comes with his family to Washington, takes 
and furnishes a house, and perhaps before the end of three months a 
dissolution of the Cabinet renders it necessary to break up his estab- 
lishment, and sell out at a ruinous loss. It is therefore to be regretted 
that the plan of providing houses for the members of the Cabinet and 
foreign ministers has been abandoned. There is no reason why, on the 
score of convenient access, if for no other reason, the same permanence 
of location should not be given to the representatives of each depart- 
ment of our Government as to the Chief Magistrate. It is no answer to 
say that those who hold these stations are not placed there to live hand- 
somely and entertain. So we have heard it said with regard to our 
foreign ministers, and yet every American who goes abroad expects to 
make his minister's house to a certain extent his home, and feels morti- 
fied if he does not find him in a pleasant and fashionable section. At 
Washington there is no visitor who does not expect to find a Cabinet 
minister in something more than a mere boarding-house. He desires 
to have an opportunity of seeing him out of his office, and in a position 
at least equal to that of a private gentleman. Besides, it is to them that 
strangers look for an interchange of that civility and courtesy which 
our ministers receive abroad. The most ultra-radical in his views 
cannot but pay some deference to the opinions of the world in these 
matters ; or else, to be consistent, he would, on the same principle, pro- 
hibit our national vessels from firing complimentary salutes to those of 



62 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

other nations, because they were supplied with powder for another 
purpose. To assist the President in dispensing the hospitalities and 
courtesies of life, is almost as much expected of a Secretary as if it were 
laid down in his code of duties. It is only necessary that it should 
continue to be an incidental, and not a main thing, in order to retain it 
within moderate bounds ; and we contend that, owing to the simple 
standard of living produced by moderate fortunes and constant changes 
in society, this may be done at Washington at less expense than else- 
where. Even now, a Secretary, with his eight thousand a year, enter- 
tains more than a New Yorker with double that sum, though not in the 
same way, which is not usually expected, since few or none undertake 
to do so. 

Another j^revalent impression, to which the writing of Dickens have 
given currency, and which is revived every time a member dies, is that 
the national capital is unhealthy. When first laid out there were, as in 
all newly-settled places, a number of marshes which gave rise to fever 
and ague, and malarial complaints. But these are being rapidly 
drained or filled up, and we believe there is no city in the Union 
where fewer deaths occur in proportion to the population ; for, according 
to the reports of health, the average has been no more than two per day 
in a population of twenty to twenty-five thousand. The heat of the 
summer months is peculiarly oppressive in consequence of the width 
of the streets and the lowness of the houses, but we have not heard 
any complaint that is not equally common in all the Southern States. 
It is a fact Avorthy of note, that out of all those whose names are re- 
corded upon the monuments of the Congressional Cemetery, by far the 
greater proportion died either by complaints which they brought with 
them to Washington, or which were caused by their imprudent and ir- 
regular habits of life. Indeed, it is a wonder that more do not die, 
when we consider how entirely their usual course of living is changed. 
Nothing can be more irregular than the life of a member of Congress. 
He goes to the Capitol at tan o'clock, is engaged upon committees until 
twelve, and then passes through the damp passages of that huge mass 
of stone into the over-heated halls of the Senate or House. Here he 
remains four, six, or perhaps twelve hours ; and, if he is desirous of being 
present at every call of the yeas and nays, his lunch or dinner must be 
postponed accordingly ; and perhaps that meal will eventually be taken 
by candle-light, upon invitation, after which the remainder of the even- 
ing is spent out at a party. It is obvious what an effect these irregular 
hours, and the constant display before him of all the luxuries of the 
season, with wines and liquors, must have upon a man who has always 
been accustomed at his village home to dine at one upon a single dish. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 63 

No wonder that dyspepsia prevails. But this is not all. If at all in- 
clined to dissipation, an easy and pleasant road is opened to him ; and 
not a few yield to the temptation. Every one who has lived in Wash- 
ington during the last few years, and paid much attention to these mat- 
ters, will remember many most glaring cases of this kind, for which 
the climate has been blamed by friends at a distance. On the other 
hand the place has become a favorite residence to many on account of 
its being favorable to health. 

We have endeavored in the preceding pages to set forth the reasons 
which led to the selection of Washington as the Seat of Government of 
the United States, and to show that the force of this reasoning has been 
illustrated, and the expectation of the founders fully realized in the 
progress of the city, notwithstanding the defects of the plan, and the 
absence of any systematic legislation for its benefit. 

It never can become a great city in the ordinary sense of the term 
that is to say, it can never be the seat of a very heavy commerce, and 
consequently of long rows of warehouses and striking contrasts between 
the extremes of wealth and poverty ; but it may become a place for 
the cidtivation of that political union and that social intercourse which 
more than anything else unbends the sterner feelings of our nature, 
and dispels all sectional prejudices. Its prosperity will be no unfit em- 
blem of the progress of our republic, for it is now occupied in about 
the same j^roportion with our extended territory ; and every sensible 
increase to the population of the Union, adds a mite to that of this 
city, since it augments the machinery of Government. 

The history of all nations shows that the political capital, even when 
unaccompanied with great power or splendor, has exercised an impor- 
tant influence over the country. As the seat of all the great events in 
in its pohtical history, the place where all its discordant spirits meet on 
common ground, and where all diiferences are healed ; and as the site of 
most of its monuments to the illustrious dead, new interest is constant- 
ly added to the spot, and new ardor awakened for imitating the exam- 
ple of the great aud good men whose memory is there preserved ; and 
for the support of those institutions which they handed down. What 
Englishman does not feel a double attachment to London for its West- 
minister Abbey and Hall, and their thousand poetical and historical 
associations ? And so of Notre Dame, St. Dennis, and the hundred 
other edifices rich in the memory of the past at Paris. As the continued 
contemplation of painting and sculpture cultivates a taste for what 
is refined, so the silent lesson taught by the presence of such monu- 
ments in our midst, conduce in no small degree to temper our reflec- 
tions, and moderate our actions. 



64 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Now to apply these remarks to our own capital. Founded by the 
illustrious man whose name it bears, it will form his appropriate monu- 
ment, for here will be presented at one view the operation of those in- 
stitutions, the establishment of which was in so great a degree his work. 
Here will be congregated for the greater part of every year many of 
the ruling minds of the nation, who may be in constant intercourse 
with the representatives of other lands; and, from this continued 
mingling of intellects, as well as from official sources, will be. collected 
the most accurate information relative to the commerce, manufactures, 
agriculture, and mechanical ingenuity of the country. Already do the 
Patent Office, and the collections of the Exploring Expedition, and other 
agencies, form a museum far exceeding in interest any other in the 
country. And does not every year add new interest to that Capitol 
where already the voice of the sire is re-echoed in the seats of honor 
occupied by the son ; where, with the present facilities of access, every 
hall, every picture, every statue becomes daily more familiar to the cit" 
izens of the most distant State, ministering to a laudable pride in the 
embellished appearance in this the only Westminister which we can 
boast, and inspiring a wish to make a goodly building of that frame- 
work which our fathers planned. 

Some persons entertain a conscientious repugnance to the continuance 
of slavery on a national territory. One word on that much-vexed ques- 
tion. The last census shows a very considerable decrease in the num- 
ber of slaves in Maryland and Virginia ; and any one who has ever lived 
in that section for the last few years, must have discovered causes at 
work, such as the introduction of white labor by New Euglanders and 
Germans, the deterioration of slaves by intercourse with free blacks, etc., 
which will make it the interest of the inhabitants to get rid of the evil 
by gradual means. 

" You cannot divest slavery, from the influence of certain causes which 
have heretofore and will continue to operate upon it, producing results 
beyond the control of human legislation. These have been most ably 
presented by a citizen of Kentucky of great attainments, John A. Mc- 
Clung, Esq., in a speech delivered before the Kentuckj^ Colonization So- 
ciety in January last. Our decennial tables of population prove that, in 
reference to many States in our Union, slavery has been marked by 
three distinct stages : the first is when the slave population increases at 
a greater ratio than the white ; the second, when the white population 
increases at a greater ratio than the slave ; and the third when the slave 
population actually decreases. It is remarkable too that these changes 
have progressed with great regularity, establishing beyond controversy 
that, when the slave population begins to decrease, it must go on until 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 65 

the causes Avhicli produced its decline will ultimately exterminate it. 
New York and New Jersey together had, in 1790, 32,747 slaves. By 
the census of 1800 the number of slaves in these two States had in- 
creased only eighteen; but there was a decrease in New York of 981, 
and an increase in New Jersey of 999. After 1800 the slaves in both 
States rapidly declined, until in 1840 there were but 678 left, and now 
in both States the institution has been abohshed. In Delaware the 
number of slaves has decreased from 8,887 in 1790 to 2,605 in 1840. 
In Maryland the number of slaves increased until 1810. In 1820 they 
had decreased irom 111,502 to 107,398. Thus the number for 
a period of ten years fell about 4,000. In the next period of ten years 
the tall was a little more than 5,000, and by the census of 1840 the 
number had come down to 89,737, exhibiting a diminution in number 
of 12,457 in the last ten years. In the District of Columbia the num- 
ber of slaves was 6,377 in 1820, had slightly declined in 1830, and 
came down to 4,694 in 1840. In Virginia the number of slaves con- 
tinued to increase until 1830, when they reached 469,757. The census 
of 1840 exhibits a decline of 20,770. Thus we see that slavery has 
reached its height in the States on the Atlantic, including Virginia and 
all nortb and east, and commenced declining, making such progress 
that those farthest north and east have abolished the institution."* 

In 1850 the number of slaves in the District, had decreased to 3,687. 

In relation to the proposition for abolishing slavery here there are two 
considerations not usually regarded sufficiently in discussing the subject : 

First. Under any circumstances so long as slavery exists in any part 
of the country there will ahvays be some slaves at the Seat of Gov- 
ernment, wherever it may be. It is, under the Constitution, a kind of 
neutral ground, where all sections and parties have a right to meet on 
equal terms, and those who come from the South, whether as members 
of Congress or as public functionaries, may claim, with much reason, a 
right to hold slaves during their sojourn. 

Secondly. Were slavery abolished, the present Seat of Government, 
surrounded as it is by slave States, would become at once a place of refuge 
tor fugitive slaves from the adjgining States. It would become a perfect 
negro hunting ground for slave owners and those who are tempted by re- 
wards offered for the re-capture of fugntives. There would be constant 
demands on the United States Executive for the surrender of these fu- 
gitives. Those at the North who have had occasion to observe the diffi- 
culties and embarrassment which have attended the execution of the 
fugitive law, can appreciate the difficulties in which a Northern Presi- 

*Froin a Speech of Mr. Senator Underwood, of Kentucky. 
5 



66 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

dent would be placed when daily and almost hourly called upon 
to deliver up these poor captives. The sight of them, returning 
to a bondage, perhaps more severe, or sold, for their offence, to the 
Georgia plantations, would be perhaps a more humiliating spectacle 
from the Capitol than that which was presented before the abolition of 
the slave trade. To the citizens of the District it would be a serious evil 
to have these poor creatures concealed in great numbers in the city, 
only venturing out in the night time, and driven by destitution and suf- 
fering to the most desperate undertakings. 

We have seen that some of the slave States, in their conventions for 
ratifying the Federal Constitution, expressed serious apprehensions lest 
the article about the " ten miles square" should open the way at some 
future time, for an asylum for fugitives from the States, and the fear 
seems to have been allayed, and the article acceded to, by reason of the 
assurances given by those who had been members of the National Con- 
vention, and by the articles in the Federalist, that there would be a local 
government, invested with the control of all matters in which the se- 
curity and protection of Congress was not involved. This fact furnishes 
a reason why Congress should not act in this matter without some little 
deference to the effect which their legislation might have on the ad- 
joining States. 

Indeed, since the abolition of the slave trade under the Compromise 
measures, no very strong demonstration in favor of such a movement 
has been made, and all reflecting persons will see the propriety of let- 
' ting the question alone. 

As we have given an account of the ceremony of laying the first 
corner-stone of the Capitol by Washington, we cannot better close our 
history, than by giving an extract from Mr. Webster's address, on the 
occasion of the laying of the corner-stone of the Capitol extension, by 
President Fillmore, on the 4th of July, 1851.* 

" Fellow Citizens : By the act of Congress of 30th September, 1850, 
provision was made for the extension of the Capitol, according to 
such plan as might be approved by the President of the United States. 
This measure was imperatively demanded for the use of the Legislative 
-and Judiciary departments, the public libraries, the occasional accom- 
modation of the Chief Executive Magistrate, and for other objects. No 
act of Congress incurring a large expenditure has received more gen- 
eral approbation from the people. The President has proceeded to ex- 
ecute this law. He has approved a plan ; he has appointed an arch- 
itect ; and all things are now ready for the commencement of the work. 

*The area of the Capitol of 1793 was one-half acre; with the extension it 
will cover four and one-third acres. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 67 

" The anniversary of National Independence appeared to aftbrd an 
auspicious occasion for laying the foundation-stone of the additional 
building. That ceremony has now been performed, by the President 
himself, in the presence and view of this multitude. He has thought 
that the day and the occasion made a united and imperative call for 
some short address to the people here assembled ; and it is at his re- 
quest that I have appeared before you to perform that part of the duty 
which was deemed incumbent on us. 

" Beneath the stone is deposited, among other things, the following 
brief account of the proceedings of this day, in my handwriting : 

' On the morning of the first day of the seventy-sixth year of the In- 
dependence of the United States of America, in the City of Washing- 
ton, being the 4th day of July, 1851, this stone, designed as the corner- 
stone of the extension of the Capitol, according to a plan approved by 
the President, in pursuance of an act of Congress, was laid by 

MILLARD FILLMOEE, 

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

assisted by the Grand Master of the Masonic Lodges, in the presence 
of many members of Congress, of officers of the Executive aud Judi- 
ciary Departments, National, State, and District, of officers of the Army 
and Navy, the Corporate authorities of this and neighborina: cities, many 
associations, ci'^al and military and masonic, officers of the Smithsonian 
Institution and National Institute, professors of colleges and teachers of 
schools of the District, with their students and pupils, and a vast con- 
course of people from places near and remote, including a few surviving 
gentlemen who witnessed the laying of the corner-stone of the Capitol 
by President Washington, on the eighteenth day of September, seven- 
teen hundred and ninety-three, 

" If, therefore, it shall be hereafter the will of God that this structure 
shall fall from its base, that its foundation be upturned, and this deposit 
brought to the eyes of men, be it then known, that, on this day, the 
Union of the United States of America stands firm, that their Consti- 
tution still exists unimpaired, and with all its original usefulness and 
glory ; growing every day stronger and stronger in the affections of the 
great body of the American people, and attracting more and more the 
admiration of the world. And all here assembled, whether belonging 
to public life or to private life, with hearts devoutly thankful to Almigh- 
ty God for the preservation of the liberty and happiness of the country, 
unite in sincere and fervent prayers that this deposit, and the walls 
and arches, the domes and towers, the columns and entablatures now to 
be erected over it may endure forever ! 

' GOD SAVE THE UnITED StATES OF AMERICA. 

'DANIEL WEBSTER, 
' Secretary of State of the United States.'' 

' " Fellow-citizens : Fifty-eight years ago Washington stood on this 
spot to execute a duty like that which has now been performed. He 
then laid the corner-stone of the original Capitol. He was at the head 



68 THE SEAT OF GOVERBfMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

of tte Government, at tliat time weat in resources, burdened with debt, 
just struggling into political existence and respectability, and agitated 
by tlie heaving waves which were overturning European thrones. But 
even then, in many important respects, the Government was strong. It 
was strong in Washington's own great character ; it was strong in the wis- 
dom and patriotism of other eminent public men, his political associates 
and fellow-laborers ; and it was strong in the affections of the people. 

" Since that time astonishing changes have been wrought in the con- 
dition and prospects of the American People ; and a degree of progress 
witnessed with which the world can furnish no parallel. As we review 
the course of that progress, wonder and amazement arrest our attention 
at every step. ********* 

" Who does not admit that this unparalleled growth in prosperity 
and renown is the result, under Providence, of the Union of these 
States, under a general Constitution, which guaranties to each State a 
republican form of Government, and to every man the enjoyment of 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, free from civil tyranny or ec- 
clesiastical domination ? ...,^ 

" And to bring home this idea to the present occasion, who does not 
feel that, when President Washington laid his hand on the foundation 
of the first Capitol building, he performed a great work of perpetuation 
of the Union and the Constitution ? Who does not feel that this seat 
of the General Government, heathful in its situation, central in its po- 
ition, near the mountains from whence gush springs of wonderful virtue, 
teeming with Nature's richest products, and yet not far from the bays 
and the great estuaries of the sea, easily accessible and generally agree- 
able in climate and association, does give strength to the Union of these 
States ; that this city, bearing an immortal name, with its broad streets 
and avenues, its public squares and magnificent edifices of the general 
Government, erected for the purposes of carrying on within them the im- 
portant business of the several Departments ; for the reception of wonder- 
ful and curious inventions, the preservation of the records of American 
learning and genius; of extensive collections of the products of nature and 
art, brought hither for study and comparison from all parts of the world ; 
adorned with numerous churches, and sprinkled over, I am happy to say, 
with many public schools, where all children of the city, without dis- 
tinction, are provided with the means of obtaining a good education ; 
where there are academies and colleges, professional schools and pub- 
lic libraries, should continue to receive, as it has heretofore received, the 
fostering care of Congress, and should be regarded as the permanent 
seat of the National Government Here, too, a citizen of the great re- 
public of letters, a republic which knows not the metes and bounds of 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 69 

political geogTaj)liy, has prophetically indicated his conviction that 
America is to exercise a wide and powerful influence in the intellectual 
world, hy founding in this city, as a commanding position in the field 
of science and literature, and placing under the guardianship of the 
Government, an institution * for the increase and diffusion of knowledge 
among men.' 

" With each succeeding year new interest is added to the spot ; it 
becomes connected with all the historical associations of our country, 
with her statesmen and her orators, and, alas ! its cemetery is annually 
enriched with the ashes of her chosen sons. 

" Before us is the broad and beautiful river, separating two of the 
original thirteen States, and which a late President, a man of deter- 
mined purpose and inflexible will, but patriotic heart, desired to span 
with arches of ever-enduring granite, symbolical of the firmly cement- 
ed union of the North and the South. That President was General 
Jackson. 

" On its banks repose the ashes of the Father of his Country, and at 
our side, by a singular felicity of position, overlooking the city which 
he designed, and which bears his name, rises to his inemory the mar- 
ble column, sublime in its simple grandeur, and fitly intended to reach a 
loftier height than any similar structure on the surface of the whole earth. 

" Let the votive offerings of his grateful countrymen be freely con- 
tributed to carry higher and still higher this monument. May I say, 
as on another occasion, ' Let it rise ; let it rise, till it meet the sun in 
his coming ; let the earliest light of the morning gild it, and parting 
day linger and play on its sbmmit !' 

" Fellow-citizens, what contemplations are awakened in our minds as 
we assemble here to re-enact a scene like that performed by Washing- 
ton ! Methinks I see his venerable form now before me, as presented 
in the glorious statue by Houdon, now in the Capitol of Virginia. He 
is dignified and grave ; but concern and anxiety seem to soften the linea- 
ments of his countenance. The Government over which he presides 
is yet in the crisis of experiment. Not free from troubles at home, he 
sees the world in commotion and in arms all around him. He sees 
that imposing foreign Powers are half disposed to try the strength of 
the recently-established American Government. We perceive that 
mighty thoughts, mingled with fears as well as with hopes, are strug- 
gling within him. He heads a short procession over these then naked 
fields ; he crosses yonder stream on a fallen tree ; he ascends to the top 
of this eminence, whose original oaks of the forest stand as thick around 
him as if the spot had been devoted to Druidical worship, and here he 
performs the appointed duty of the day. 



70 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

" And HOW, fellow-citizens, if this vision were a reality ; if Washing- 
ton actually were now amongst us, and if he could draw around him 
the shades of the gTeat public men of his own days, patriots and war- 
riors, orators and statesmen, and were to address us in their presence, 
would he not say to us, 'Ye men of this generation, I rejoice and thank 
God for being able to see that our labors and toils and sacrifices were 
not in vain. You are prosperous, you are happy, you are grateful ; the 
fire of liberty burns brightly and steadily in join hearts, while duty 
and the law restrain it from bursting forth in wild and destructive con- 
flagration. Cherish liberty, as you love it ; cherish its securities as you 
wish to preserve it. Maintain the Constitution which we labored so 
painfully to establish, and which has been to you such a source of in- 
estimable blessings. Preserve the union of the States-, cemented as it 
was by our prayers, our tears, and our blood. Be true to God, to your 
country, and to your duty. So shall the whole Eastern World follow 
the morning sun to contemplate you as a nation ; so shall all genera- 
tions honor you, as they honor us ; and so shall that Almighty Power 
which so graciously protected us, and which now protects you, shower 
its everlasting blessings upon you and your posterity.' 

" President Fillmore, it is your singularly good fortune to perform an 
act such as that which the earliest of your predecessors performed fifty- 
eight years ag*o. You stand where he stood ; you lay your hand on 
the corner-stone of a building desigTied greatly to extend that whose 
corner-stone he laid. Changed, changed is every thing aroimd. The 
same sun, indeed, shone upon his head which now shines upon yours. 
The same broad river rolled at his feet, and bathes his last resting place, 
that now rolls at yours. But the site of this city was then mainly an 
open field. Streets and avenues have since been laid out and completed, 
squares and public grounds enclosed and ornamented, until the city 
which bears his name, although comparatively inconsiderable in 
numbers and wealth, has become quite fit to be the seat of govern- 
ment of a great and united people, 

" Sir, may the consequences of the duty which you perform so aus- 
piciously to day equal those which flowed from his act." 

Note. — We should have noted, in the proper place, the obligations 
citizens are under to W. W. Corcoran, Esq., Secretary Henry, and 
Mayor Lenox, for their efforts in bringing about the action of Congress, 
and of the President, towards securing the improvement of the public 
grounds, and the invaluable services of the lamented Downing. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Yl 

CHAPTER lY. 

MONUMENTAL STRUCTURES. 

CUI BONO ? THEIR INFLUENCE THOSE ERECTED BY A'^OLUNTARY CONTRIBUTION OF MOST 

VALUE MONUMENTS IN EUROPE ACTION OF CONTINENTAL CONGRESS MONUMENT TO 

GENERAL GREENE TO GENERAL MONTGOMERY PROVISION FOR MONUMENTS AT THE 

FEDERAL CITY CONGRESSIONAL CEMETERY RESOLUTIONS OF 1783 RESOLUTION TO 

REMOVE THE BODY OF AVASHINGTON TO CAPITOL PROPOSED MAUSOLEUM ACTION OF 

VIRGINIA PURCHASE OF MOUNT VERNON GREENOUGh's STATUE EQUESTRIAN STATUE 

ORDERED MR. MACOn's REMARICS OTHER MONITMENTS NATIONAL MONUMENT PRO- 
JECTED HOW TO RAISE THE FUNDS PRESENTATION BLOCKS PLANS MATERIAL. 

Public attention lias so frequently been called during the last few 
years to the progress of the Washington National Monument, that a 
few remarks and facts on the subject of that, and monumental structures 
in general, may not be without interest. 

Cui-bono? is the question which many a plodding business man has 
propounded, when a subscription paper for some such object has been 
presented to him. 

Monuments are useless structures we are told. Those men who do 
not live in history deserve no monument, and those whose deeds are there 
recorded need none. 

The first part of the proposition is not strictly tru^e, for there are many 
philanthropists, public benefactors, and inventors, who occupy but a 
small space in history by the side of kings, generals, and statesmen, 
who produced greater sensation at the time they lived. 

The works of Howard, Watt, Fulton, and Whitney, live after them, 
but the crowd who enjoy the benefit of their labors seldom have their 
attention called to the names which are to be cherished in memory in 
connection therewith. But admitting the first position to be true, the 
second one is by no means so clear. In the first place, if 5-ou take the 
mass of mankind, you find but a small number comparatively Avho read 
books of any kind, especially history, and, of those who do read, com- 
paratively few preserve a distinct recollection of prominent characters 
and leading events. Upon such persons objects presented to the senses 
make the greatest impression, and a monument or painting lead to in- 
quiry and keep the subject constantly before the mind. They natural- 
ly feel that they ought to know something about an event or individual 
deemed worthy of such a memento ; and pride of country at least stimu- 
lates us to avoid appearing ignorant on the subject commemorated. 
Who that passes the Battle Monument in Baltimore does not endeavor 



72 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

to brush up bis memory concerning tbe contest at North Point ; so 
of the Naval Monument a^nd tbe sculpture and paintings in the rotun- 
da of tbe Capitol at Washington ; would not one who bad been in the 
habit of passing there for weeks together feel ashamed not to know 
something of tbe events and persons referred to ? You may see on al- 
most any pleasant day, one or more persons reading tbe inscription on 
the tall monument to Emmett in St. Paul's church-yard, New York, and 
many an Irishman has thus been informed for the first time of tbe history 
of his eminent countryman. So, at the entrance of Trinity church-yard, 
tbe "Dont give up the ship," on Capt. Lawrence's tomb stone, arrests 
attention and refreshes the memory of the visitor upon the achivements 
of our little navy during the late war. 

But, in the next place, it is a mistake to suppose that the chief ob- 
ject of a monument is to preserve the memory of an individual. Is it 
not rather an evidence of the value set upon tbe deceased by those who 
reared the Obelisk, a testimonial of tbe appreciation of him by those 
survived ? We place a marble tablet over a father's grave, not because 
we fear that we shall forget him ; but because we desire, and tbe world 
expects us to testify our respect for him- by some such visible sign. 

Tbe best evidence of patriotism is a disposition to make some sacri- 
fices for tbe cause we believe to be just ; and so tbe best evidence of 
gratitude is some voluntary offering from our treasures, something more 
than the mere empty thanks which cost no individual effort to bestow 
them. 

Hence tbe monuments which are by far the most interesting in their 
associations, are those which have been erected by voluntary contribu- 
tions, not by a mere appropriation from the pubbc treasury, which, 
though all are taxed for it, no one feels ; but by some little personal 
sacrifice. A mere pile of rude stones, each of which is brought by a 
different individual, as is said to be the case with many Indian monu- 
ments, speaks much more forcibly of tbe respect entertained for the 
dead than a gorgeous pillar built by tbe decree of a parliament or tlie 
will of a ruler. 

This furnishes a reply to those who ask with reference to tbe Wash- 
ington National Monument, why not let Congress complete it by a 
sweeping appropriation out of our overflowing treasury, and thus end 
tbe matter. Such an appropriation would soon send up the shaft, but 
the visitor would not look on it with half the interest he now feels, 
when he reflects, that for every stone, one or more individuals have vol- 
untarily brought forward their contributions. 

Every city in Europe is filled with monuments; but very few of them 
are tbe work of popular enthusiasm, or commemorate anything more 



THK SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 73 

than a royal visit, or an exalted rank, monuments erected by town 
councils or the owners of property around particular parks, as acts of 
civility, sometimes of servility. 

There are in London some thirteen statues of sovereigns — four of 
the brothers of sovereigns, four generals, and one philanthropist. 

The costly column to the Duke of York is jeered at, because publie 
sentiment would never have built what parliament voted in deference to 
a king's brother. Of course we do not mean to say that this is the c?.s3 
wi£h all such structures reared by parliamentary grants. Nelson's and 
Wellington's monuments are among the exceptions.'* And there are 

* "The moral power of example is stronger than numbers. England under- 
stands how much national pride and patriotism are kept alive by paintings of 
her great events, and monuments raised over her dead. I have seen the Duke 
of Wellington reining his steed past his own colossal statue, melted from the 
cannon he himself took in battle, reared to him by a grateful country before lie 
died. London has her Trafalgar-square, and a glorious monument to Nelson. 
Whenever an English patriot falls, England calls on art to commemorate the 
spot; so does France; so has Italy in all ages. Kings and statesmen have 
understood how much national existence depends on national pride and patriot- 
ism ; and how much also those depend on monuments and mementos of her great 
dead. The j)alace of Versailles is filled with paintings of Napoleon's great bat- 
tles. * * * The countries of the old world are covered Avith paintings and 
monuments to those who fell in a less worthy cause than freedom. But where 
are the monuments to Allen, and Starke, and Putnam, and Warren, and Perry, 
and McDonough, Decatur, and Lawrence? Young Hale was sent as a spy by 
Washington into the enemy's camp. Being discovered, he was hung on a gal- 
lows, and met his fate with the lofty enthusiasm and courage of a Spartan 
hero. He laid down his young life without a murmur for his country. But 
who can tell where he sleeps? His country in her hour of darkness and bitter 
need, asked for his life, and he gave it without a sigh ; and now that country 
dishonors his grave. Yet Andre has a monument in the heart of the British 
Empire. The youth of every land are educated more by art than by speeches. 
Let monuments rise from Concord, Lexington, Bennington, Ticonderoga, York- 
town, and Plattsburgh, and Chippewa, and Lundy's Lane, and New Orleans, 
and as the rail car flies over the country, let these records of our struggles and 
our victories come and go on the hasty traveller, and noble thoughts and pur- 
poses will mingle in the headlong excitement after gain. Let the statues of the 
signers, of the Declaration of Independence line Pennsylvania Avenue, and he 
who vFalks between them to the Capitol will be a better man and better pat- 
riot. Let great paintings, illustrating our chequered, yet most instructive his- 
tory, fill our public galleries, and when the country wants martyrs they will be 
ready." — From Headley's Addresx to the Art Union. 

In a speech of Mr. Smith, of Alabama, in relation to Kossuth, the failure of 
all attempts at republicanism in Europe, is ascribed in part to " their antiqui- 
ties and their monuments, breathing, smacking, and smelling of nobility and 
royalty," concerning which, Greeuough in his Esthetics in Washington thus 
remarks : 

"I rejoice to find that American Legislators have found oiit the value and 
significance of monuments and of antiquities in their political influence. May 
we not expect that our civilization and our institutions will obtain this support 
from Congress? « * « j -wjn i^ow merely state that there stands in the 
studio of Mr. Powers, at Florence, a statue of America, which is not only a 
beautiful work of art, but which "breaths, smacks, and smells" of Republican- 
ism and Union. If placed conspicuously bj' Mr. Walter, in one of the new 
wings of the Capitol, it would be a monument of union. The sooner it is done 
the sooner it will become an ' antiquity.' " 



74 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

some Avhicli are more appropriately the Avork of tlie legislature. Such 
are those which are intended to mark particular spots, battle-fields for 
instance. It is of the greatest advantage to the visitor to have, upon 
some small structure, a concise and accurate account of the event 
which occurred, and the absence of such memorials at Saratoga, Lake 
George, Lundy's Lane, Yorktown and other places of interest is to be 
regretted. As they are for convenience rather than to testify the senti- 
ments of those who erected them, the public treasury is almost the only 
source from which the funds are to be derived. 

Were there no monuments but such as are erected by voluntary con- 
tributions, there would be very fcAv indeed ; but those few would be real 
evidence of merit. 

Many monuments in Europe were reared by the individuals they 
were intended to honor. Napoleon was not at all modest in this res- 
pect; but such was his real greatness that he could afford to do what 
others could not. Besides, his monuments commemorate others besides 
himself — great events, great generals, brave legions. He knew well 
hoAV to minister to the pride of the soldier, and excite a thirst for glory. 
His noblest monuments are the splendid bridges and elegant edifices he 
built in various parts of his empire. But the effect his triumphal arches 
have had on the soldiery is sufficient evidence that monuments exercise 
no small influence. History is full of such evidence. 

The Continental Congress seems to have considered a monument as 
the only appropriate testimonial of respect to a great man, and voted 
one where we should now present a sword or a gold medal. After the 
battle of Eutaw Springs, a resolution was passed directing one to be 
erected to General Greene, at the future Seat of Government. This has 
never been built. In this connection Ave may mention, that the cannon 
taken in the battle were presented to him on that occasion, and were 
appropriately inscribed. General Greene died three years after the 
Avar, leaving a family of young children, and an estate embarrassed by 
the noble eflforts he had made to clothe and feed his destitute army. 
Under such circumstances the attention of his widow was given to more 
immediate duties, and, though the medal of the EutaAvs and other re- 
liques were religiously gathered under the family roof, these bulky 
cannon were allowed to remain at West Point, where they would be 
better preserved than in a private house ; and it is well they were not 
removed to the General's residence, as in that case they Avould have 
fallen into the hands of their original owners. Admiral Cockburn having 
made this house his headquarters for several weeks during the last war. 
The cannon are still to be seen at West Point, and, should the resolu- 
tion of Congress be ever carried into effect, they would form a beautiful 



^ THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 7o 

aud appropriate accompaniment to tlie monument. The family are 
willing to place them at the disposal of Government for that purpose. 
On a neat tablet in front of St. Paul's Church, New York, is the fol- 
lowing inscription : 

" This motmment is erected by order of Congress, 25th January, \'1'1&, to trans- 
mit to posterity a grateful remembrance of the patriotism, conduct, enterprise and 
perseverence of Major General Richard Montgomery, viho, after a series of suc- 
cesses amidst the most disarming difficulties, fell in the attack on Quebec, 31 De- 
cember, ItTo, aged 3*7 years." 

On a stone beneath is the following : 

"77te State of New York caused the remains of Major General Richard Mont- 
gomery to be conveyed from Quebecc, and deposited beneath this monument the Sth 
day of Jidy, 18 IS." 

As indicative of the public sentiment fifty years ago, we may mention! 
that one of the finest squares in the Federal city (that now occupied by ! 
the Patent Office) was reserved by the Commissioners for a National 
Church, in which to hold services of public thanksgiving, and as an 
appropriate receptacle for the monuments which Congress might erect 
to the heroes of the Revolution, or other benefactors. Fifteen squares 
were to be divided among the several States, to be adorned and improved, V 
aud receive monuments of celebrated citizens of the States. 

These suggestions of the Commissioners have never been carried out, 
though they appear to have met with general approval at the time. 
The only place at Washington, besides the Capitol, where monuments 
have been erected by Congress, is the Eastern Burial Ground, more 
generally known as the Congressional Cemetery. It is not, as has been 
supposed, public property, by far the greater portion being taken up 
with private burial lots. The only privilege the Government possesses 
is, that of erecting monuments or burying at a certain fixed price.* 

Over the graves of Vice President Gerry and Major General Brown 
are handsome marble monuments, but we remember no other memorial 
erected hj Congress, unless we are to dignify with this name that square, 
tasteless mass of free-stone which, under some standing law or rule, is 
^ erected for every member of Congress who happens to die in Washing- 
ton, whether buried there or not. They are all exactly alike, with the 
same ofliicial inscription, as for example : " Hon. John Quincy Adams, a 
representative in Congress, from the State of Massachusetts, who died 
on the day of February ."f 

* The amount received from this Cemetery is understood to be ample for all 
desirable improvements, but is applied, in part, to the support of the church 
to which it belongs. Could not a company be formed to buy it out ? 

f There is a handsome monument to Vice President Clinton, erected by his 

children. 



7b THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

An effort was made at tlie time of Mr. Adams' death to have this 
altered, so that a monument more befitting an ex-President should be 
erected ; but it was voted down, chiefly from a feeling that it might be 
an unwise precedent to erect special monuments where the parties were 
buried elsewhere. The same sentiments doubtless influenced the rejec- 
tion of the Senate bill for a momument to General Taylor. It would 
seem that it were wiser to abolish the present practice altogether, ex- 
cept where members are buried at Washington, which is rarely the 
case ; or, if it is to be continued, then there might be at least a more 
tasteful block devised, and sufficient variety obtained by giving to each 
State a particular form, to answer on all future occasions. The dele- 
gates of each State might be allowed to decide upon this, and when a 
member dies, his colleagues might designate some one of their number 
to prepare a suitable inscription, on their neglect to do which within 
a given time, the ordinary official title might be cut upon the stone. 

In 1783 Congress passed the following resolutions: 

" Resolved unanimously, {ten States being present,) That an equestrian statue 
of General Washington be erected at the place where the residence of Congress 
shall be established. 

'■^Resolved, That the statue be of bronze, the General to be represented in a 
Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head encircled with 
a laurel wreath; the statue to be supported by a marble pedestal, on which are to 
be represented, in bas relief, the following principal events of the war in which 
General Washington commanded in person, namely, the evacuation of Boston; 
the capture of the Hessians at Trenton; the battle of Princeton; the action of 
Monmouth; and the surrender of York. On the upper part of the front of the 
pedestal to be engraved as follows : 

" ' The United States in Congress assembled ordered this statue to be ereected in 
the year of our Lord 1783, in honor of George Washington, the illustrious Coin- 
inander-in-chief of the United States of America during the war which vindicated 
and secured their liberty, sovereignty, and independence.' 

'^Resolved, That a statue conformable to the above plan be executed by the best 
artist in Europe under the superintendance of the minister of the United States at 
the court of Versailles, and that money to defray the expense of the same be fur- 
nished from the treasury of the United States. 

"Resolved, That the Secretary of Congress transmit to the minister at the court 
of Versailles the best resemblance of General Washingtoii that can be procured 
for the purpose of having the above statue erected, together with the fittest descrip- 
tion of the events which are to be the subject of the basso relievo." 

Whether from a want of funds in the treasury or what, the minister 
to France never ordered the statue. The Commissioners who laid out 
he Federal City, set apart a place for it; but funds to build it were 

■ver appropriated until 1852, and the original site had then been set 

•)art to the National Monument. 

In 1799 Congress passed resolutions authorizing President Adams to 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 77 

correspond witli Mrs, Washington, and ask her consent to the inter- 
ment of the remains of her iDnstrious husband, under a monument to be 
erected by the United States in the Capitol at the City of Washington. 
Mrs. Washington gave her assent in the following letter: 

"Taught by the great example I have so long had before me never to oppose 
my private wishes to the public will, I must consent to the request of Congress 
which you have had the goodness to transmit to me ; and, in doing this, I need 
not, I cannot, say what a sacrifice of individual feeling I make to a sense of 
public duty." 

But the monument Avas not erected, and the remains, therefore, were 
not removed from Mount Vernon. 

In 1800, after long discussion, a bill passed one house for the erec- 
tion of a "mausoleum of American granite and marble in a pyramidal 
form, 100 feet square at the base and of a proportional height." 

In 1816 the subject was re^dved in a report by Mr. Huger, of South 
Carolina, from a joint committee, for a public monument, and the re- 
moval of the remaims, but nothing was done. In February of the same 
year the Legislature of Virginia authorized Gov. Nicholas to apply to 
Judge Bushrod Washington, then proprietor of Mount Vernon, for 
leave to remove the remains of General and Mrs. Washington from 
Mount Vernon to Richmond, to be placed under the monument pro- 
posed to be erected to the honor of Washington at the capital of the 
State. Judge Washington declined, and, among other reasons, stated 
the following : 

"But obligations more sacred than anything which concerns myself — obliga- 
tions with which I cannot dispense — command me to retain the mortal remains 
of my venerated uncle in the family vault where they are deposited. It is his 
own will, and that will is to me a law lohich J dare not disobey. He has himself di- 
rected his body should be placed there, and I cannot separate it from those of 
his near relatives, by which it is surrounded." 

On the 13th of February, 1832, the two Houses of Congress ap- 
pointed a joint committee to make arrangements for celebrating the 
centennial birth-day of George Washington. The Hon. Henry Clay 
was appointed chairman on the part of the Senate, and Hon. Philemon , 
I Thomas on the part of the House. Chief Justice John Marshall was 
requested to deliver an oration on the occasion, but declined, princi- 
pally on the ground that, in addition to the pressure of his official du- 
ties, he was physically unable to perform the task, his voice having 
become so weak as to be almost inaudible even in a room not unusually 
large. 

A resolution was recommended by the committee proposing that 
application be made to the proprietors of Mount Vernon for the body 
of George Washington, to be removed and deposited in the Capitol, in 



78 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

conformity witli the resolution of December, 1*799. It was provided 
also that the presiding officers of the two Houses should prescribe the 
order of such ceremonies as they might deem suitable to the occasion 
of the interment of the body of George Washington in the Capitol, on 
the 22d of February, and that the two Houses should attend them. 

Mr. Clay supported the resolution in his usual eloquent and impres- 
sive style, and referred to the fact that those entrusted with the execu- 
tion of the Capitol had already provided a vault under the centre of 
the rotundo for the express purpose. He thought it proper time to 
carry out the unredeemed pledge of Congress. 

Mr. Forsyth opposed the resolution on the ground of the expressed 
wish of General Washington, who required in his will that his remains 
should rest in the family vault. 

Mr. Tazewell and Mr. Tyler also opposed the resolution, which was 
supported by Mr. Webster, Mr. Sprague, and Mr. Bibb. 

The resolution was finally adopted by a vote of 29 yeas to 15 nays. 

On the next day the House of Representatives adopted a joint reso- 
lution, in which the Senate concurred, for associating the remains of the 
consort of Washington with his own, in their disinterment at Mount 
Vernon and reinterment in their appropriate mausoleum, the Capitol 
of the Union. 

The Legislature of Virginia forthwith took action, at the suggestion of 
Governor Floyd, and on the 20th of February, 1832, passed the follow- 
ing resolutions. 

" Resolved unanimouly, That the proprietors be earnestly requested, in the 
name of the people of this State, not to consent to the removal of the remains 
of General Washington from Mo\mt Vernon." 

And so intent was Governor Floyd on this head, that he appointed 
Judges Brooke and Marshall, and Major James Gibbon to be the bearers 
of the communication to Congress. 

Application having been made to the proprietor, Mr. John A, 
Washington, he declined, on the ground that the will of Washington, 
in regard to his remains, had been recently carried into eflect, and that 
they now repose in perfect tranquility, surrounded by those of other 
endeared members of the family. 

Mr. Custis, the grandson of Mrs. Washington, gave his assent, and 
(Congratulated the Government upon the approaching consummation of 
a great act of national gratitude. 

But no further steps were taken in regard to the removal, and, on 
the motion of Mr. Thomas, the correspondence was placed upon the 
journal, in order that it might be understood that Congress had gone 
to the extent of its power in the case. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 79 

The language of Washington's will on this subject, is as follows : 

" The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and being 
improperly situated besides, I desire that a new one, of Brick, and on 
a large scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the 
Vineyard inclosure, on the ground which was marked out ; in which 
my remains and those of my deceased relatives (now in the old vault,) 
and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, 
may be deposited. And it is my express desire that my corpse may be 
interred in a private manner, without parade or funeral oration." 

As this does not expressly request that his remains should always be 
preserved in that vault, and as Mrs. Washington had not considered 
it any obstacle to a removal of her husband, it was thought that no 
objection would be made by the heirs. 

There is certainly nothing improper in the repugnance manifested by 
Mr. John A. Washington to the removal of his uncle's remains, and many 
will be disposed to think that Congress erred in wishing to remove 
them ; but the action of that body was based upon the idea that the 
Capitol of the nation was the most appropriate sepulchre for them, or, 
at all events, that they ought to be on ground common to the whole 
country, instead of being within the jurisdiction of any one State. 
Added to this was the consideration that the city which he founded 
and took so much interest in up to the day of his death, was a most 
appropriate place to receive his dust. 

The action of the Virginia legislature was supposed to have been 
prompted in some measure by the desire to retain those sacred relics 
south of the Potomac, in the event of a dissolution of the Union, 
which the nullification excitement seemed to render possible. 

But on all subsequent occasions, when a project for purchasing Mount 
Vernon or removing the remains has been mooted, they have taken 
action to prevent it. In a message of Governor Johnson to the Legis- 
lature of that State, after referring to the monument in process of 
erection in the Capitol square at Richmond, he makes the following 
recommendation : 

"In connexion with this subject, I cannot refrain from respectfully but earn- 
estly recommending to the Legislature the propriety of the purchase of Mount 
Vernon by the State of Virginia. And I do so at this time the more particularly, 
because there is reason to apprehend that it is about to pass into the hands of 
strangers. The importance of the acqiiisition of this proj^erty by the United 
States has frequently been brought to the attention of Congress, and it is sur- 
prising that this commendable project has met with so little favor. For this 
we should ever feel thankful, because if once the property of the Federal Gov- 
ernment, we might never have been able to repurchase it. This should never 
be. Whilst we might reasonably j^refer that it should be the property of the 



80 THE SEAT OE GOVERNMENT OE THE UNITED STATES. 

tJiiioii ratlier than belong to any private individual, yet Virginia, and slie only 
slionld be the owner and have control of this sacred and consecrated spot, where 
rest the mortal remains of her immoi'tal son. "Who else but Virginia should own 
this hallowed spot — to guard and protect the grave of him whose name will be 
revered as long as one shall live to admire American liberty ? And should 
some ruthless hand ever disturb this sepulchre of the honored dead, or even 
change the primitive simplicity of his former residence, a sense of shame would 
come over every Virginian, and he would feel that that had been lost which 
could not be estimated in dollars and cents. If it can be purchased, then, upon 
fair and reasonable terms, let us do it at once, that we may preserve it in it3 
pi'imitive simplicity and beauty — to be freely resorted to by all admirers of true 
greatness and human liberty, and to be gazed on by all who may pass upon the 
beautiful Potomac. 

" Considering the character of him whose name has thrown this halo of glory 
around the spot, and in view of the fact that (foi*emost as usual in whatever 
was good and great) he presided over the first Agricultural Society that ever 
met in Virginia, I do not know that the property could be more appropriately 
disposed of than to convert it into a model farm, and establish upon it a State 
Agricultural School. If this disposition should not meet your approbation, then 
it might be well to consider the propriety of establishing there a literary insti- 
tution of some kind on a different basis. The first object, however, should be 
the acquisition of the property." 

One cannot but wonder that Virginia did not invest the money in a 
purchase of Mount Vernon which she is now expending in a monument. 
As it -is, she occupies the position of doing nothing herself, and pre- 
venting the nation from doing anything ; for it seems to be agreed that 
it is the opposition of her representatives which prevents the purchase 
of the property by Congress. 

Propositions for this purpose have been repeatedly introduced. One 
was to appropriate it for an army asylum ; but as the army asylum 
will be admirably accommodated in the spacious marble edifice in 
course of erection in Washington county, there Avould seem to be no 
propriety in making a change ; while there seems to be force in the fol- 
lowing suggestion made by a writer in the Journal of Commerce some 
years since, if the fact stated be true : 

"It is understood that there is a large sum in the Treasury, which has es- 
cheated to it in consequence of the decease, without heirs, of sailors and marines 
in the navy. The whole amount is estimated at thi-ee millions. There is a large 
sum due on account of prize money alone. 

"The Government does not claim this fund, but merely the right of its safe 
keeping. There is no chance that it will ever be called for. It would be very 
proper, therefore, to appropriate the sum, or a portion of it, to the purchase of 
Mount Vernon, and the establishment there of an institution for the benefit of 
invalid and superannuated seamen and mariners. If the fund does not belong 
to them, it belongs to nobody. It would seem that they have, as a body, a right 
to all its benefits, at least to the benefit of the interest of the fund." 

Another proposition, which is not perhaps inconsistent with the one 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 81 

just stated, is to make it the residence of the Vice President, in order 
that he may be on hand in case of accident to the President, the Gov- 
ernment having been, at the time of President Harrison's death, with- 
out any head at the capital for the space of two days. Recently a 
committee of the Senate has reported in favor of purchasing it for au 
agricultural farm in connexion with the Patent Office. 

In relation to these or any other plans which may be suggested for 
preserving and opening to the public an access to this now much-ne- 
glected spot, it can hardly be doubted that they would find favor through- 
out the country. 

In 1832, Greenough's statue was ordered by Congress. It was in- 
tended to have been placed in the rotunda over the vault, but being 
found too large was removed to the Eastern park. 

In 1853, immediately after the inauguration of Mills' statue of Gen- 
eral Jackson, in Lafayette square, Congress passed, unanimously, a 
resolution appropriating $50,000 for an equestrian statue of Washing- 
ton, upon which Mills is now engaged. 

Thus much for the action of Congress on the subject of a monument 
to Washington. Other works of art have been executed by order of 
Congress, which may, perhaps, be properly classed among monumental 
structures — such are the exquisite figure of History and the Car of 
Time, in the Representatives Hall, the statues of Peace and War, and 
the figures upon the tympanum of the Eastern portico of the Capitol, 
the bust of Washington over the door leading fi:'om the rotunda, and 
the group of Columbus and the Indian Girl, by Persico, and of the 
Western Settler, by Greenough.* 

It should be mentioned that in the long discussions which took place 
in 1799 and 1800, objection was made by some prominent members to 
the erection by Congress of any monument to an individual, however 
distinguished, on the ground that it was a bad precedent for the Gov- 
ernment to engage in any such undertaking. "If we decline," said 

* Concerning tlie position of these last statues, the following remarks, bj 
Greenongh, seem to be very appropriate : 

" The position of the group of Columbus and the Indian girl is anomalous 
and absux'd ; anomalous, because it invadas the front view of the portico, crowds 
the facade and hides another statue by the same artist ; absurd, because it 
treats the building as somewhat on which to mount into conspicuous view, not 
as a noble and important vase which it is called humbly to adorn and illustrate, 
* * * The railings which have been placed around the statues of the Capi- 
tol accuse a want of respect for the public property. They accuse it, without 
remedying it ; for, in spite of their protection, perhaps because of it, the statues 
of Columbus and of Washington have received more injury in the few years 
that they have been so guarded, than many figures wrought before the birth 
of Christ have suffered in coming to us through the so-called dark ages." — 
Esthetics in Washington, page ^% 



"82 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATESo 

Mr. Macon, "to rear one to Washington, no one who succeeds him can 
expect one reared to his memory. On the other hand, if we erect one, 
every pretender to greatness will aim at the same distinction." Refer- 
ence was made to the abuses which had grown out of the system in 
Europe, and the ground was taken that they should he the results of 
individual effort — voluntary contributions. But the sentiment of the 
country has been rather favorable to such structures. Not only has 
Congress erected two statues ; but in almost every State more or less 
action has been taken on the subject. 

The Legislatures of Virginia and North Carolina have erected statues 
in their State houses. The first is by Houdon, a good likeness, in the 
costume of commander-in-chief, which has been objected to by critiques 
as not sufficiently graceful and classical ; the second by Canova, in a 
sitting posture with the Roman costume. There is one at the State 
house, at Boston, by Chantry ; the costume is a military cloak, which 
displays the fi.gure to advantage. Neither of the two last are good 
likenesses, the artists having embodied their ideas of Washington's 
pharacter, rather than attempted any resemblance. The statue by 
Greenough, before referred to, is in a sitting posture, and is admirably 
executed. The likeness is perfect; the costume Roman, which, v/hat- 
ever the classical scholar may say, does not suit the taste of a majority 
of those who see it. Virginia is about expending $100,000 on a monu- 
ment at Richmond ; Maryland has reared one at Baltimore, a noble 
column ; the Bxinker hill monument, the Battle monument at Baltimore, 
those at Concord and Lexington, and the equestrian statue of Jackson, 
also a bronze statue of De Witt Clinton, at Greenwood cemetery, were 
mostly erected by voluntary contributions. 

In New York and Philadelphia various projects have been started ; 
and in the former, the whole population once turned out, marched up 
to Hamilton square, laid a corner stone, and then marched down again ; 
but the stone has ever since remained alone in its glory. It is under- 
stood that a few wealthy citizens have recently subscribed for a statue 
by Powers, The difficulty has generally been, that the plans were on 
so extravagant a scale that no subscriber could ever hope to see it com- 
pleted. Amidst all the local projects there has always been a call for 
something like a National Monument, on a scale worthy of the nation — 
*' a monument," in the language of Mr. Winthrop, " that shall bespeak 
the gratitude, not of the State, or of Cities, or of Governments, not of 
separate communities, or of official bodies ; but of the people, the whole 
-people of the nation: a national monument erected by the citizens of 
the United States of America." 

On the 26th September, 1833, a number of citizens of WashingtoB 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 83 

assembled togetlier, and on that and several subsequent meetings di- 
gested a plan for erecting a National Monument. 

It was confidently believed that, after such a grand mausoleum was 
completed by the contributions of the whole people, no State or indi- 
vidual would object to a removal* of the remains. 

Whether this should be accomplished or not, it would be a kind of 
rallying point for patriotism, and a noble emblem of attachment to the 
Union and its founders. 

Among those who first officiated were Daniel Brent, William Brent, 
Joseph Gales, sr., James Kearney, Joseph Gales, jr., Peter Force, W. W, 
Seaton, John McLelland, Pishey Thompson, Thomas Carberry, George 
Watterston, and William Cranch, the present venerable chief justice 
of the circuit court of the District of Columbia, who was the first vice 
president. Chief Justice Marshall was chosen as president, and accepted 
in the following letter : 

EiCHMOND, November 25tk, 1833. 

"I received yesterday your letter of the 22nd, informing me that the 
Washington Monument Society has done me the honor to choose me 
as its president. You are right in supposing that the most ardent wish 
of my heart is to see some lasting testimonial of the grateful afi"ection of 
his country erected to the memory of her first citizen. I have always 
wished it, and have always thought that the Metropolis of the Union 
was the fit place for this National Monument. I cannot therefore refuse 
to take any place which the society may assign to me, and though my 
advanced age forbids the hope of being useful, I am encouraged by the 
name of the first vice president to believe that in him ample conversa- 
tion will be found for any defect in the president." 

After Judge Marshall's death Mr. Madison became the president, and 
since his death, the successive presidents of the United States have 
held that position. Many of the most distinguished public men of the 
country have been and still are connected with it ; and it speaks w^ll 
for the character of the gentlemen who have had the immediate man- 
agement, that not a whisper has ever been breathed against them of 
want of good faith, or other than scrupulous and economical applica- 
tion of the funds to the object, while not one of them has ever directly 
or indirectly received any compensation. 

Seldom have the weekly meetings of the board failed for want of a 
quorum. We mention these facts because such assiduity and fidelity 
in attending to the duties of a volunteer association are not common, 
and in order to prevent this society and its collections from being con- 
founded with others for the State monuments, where collections were 



84 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

made at nearly tlie same time, and where it is alleged tliat tlie funds 
have been wasted. 

. How to raise the funds Avas of course the first question ; and a sub- 
scription of not exceeding one dollar from every citizen of the United 
States was finally proposed, under the belief that no one of moderate 
means would refuse so small a contribution, while none would be 
deterred from giving, because not able to put down as much as his 
neighbor. It was confidently believed that several hundred thousand 
dollars would be received. But the dollar limitation was found to be 
an embarrassment, chiefly it is presumed, because collectors found it 
required more labor and time than the commission would compensate 
for. And then people distrusted and could not believe that such small 
sums would ever be accounted for. The fact that the great fire in 
New York and the revulsion of money afi^irs occurred about this time, 
interfered also very materially with the collection. Twenty-eight 
thousand dollars was the whole amount received. This sum was in- 
vested in stock, and the interest regularly re-invested, and, in this way 
the sum had increased to $40,000, when the monument was com- 
menced in 1848 ; but active operations in the way of collections ceased 
for a number of years. 

At length about the year 1846, a new subscription was opened ; but 
without any restriction as to amount. Great difficulty was and still is 
experienced in obtaining the right kind of agents, men who were well 
known, possessed the public confidence, of good education and agreea- 
ble address, with some knowledge of human nature. If such can be 
procured who have real heart for the work they are very apt to be 
exceedingly sensitive and easily discouraged at rebuffs. Itisimpleasant 
to ask for money and most men prefer to engage in any other pursuits. 

It has been remarked that in the collections for the National Monu- 
ment the largest sums have generally been collected in those districts 
where, from the sparsity of the population and the absence of any great 
resources for wealth, the least was to have been expected. Thus, an 
agent in the mountainous districts of Virginia, who had to travel two 
or three miles from one house to another, sent to Washington more 
money than the agent at the flourishing city of Richmond. Large col- 
lections have been made in the retired parts of Georgia and Fljifida.* 

* A statement, in detail, of the collections is, we understand, to be published 
hereafter in the papers, and corrected everv six months. Up to May, 1854, the 
collection district which had contrihuted the largest amount, in proportion to 
population, was Fayette county, Pennsylvania, where the amount was over 
$2,200. 

In Washington city there had been collected upwards of |1 2,000, with a 
number of annual subscribers. This does not include the amounts received at 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 85 

One reason for this undoubtedly is, that the people of the country- 
are less frequently called upon for all manner of objects than those of 
cities ; but there can be no question that there is more poetry and sen- 
timent in rural districts. They have fewer books and distractions, and 
consequently read over the history of their country more frequently. 
In the long winter nights they hear the " old folks" talk about old 
times, and occasionally they come across a revolutionary pensioner, who 
fights his battles over again. 

The whole amount collected up to the 1st May 1854, was |231,000, 
and the receipts have averaged about |2,000 a month. 

The most constant efforts however are required to keep the receipts 
up to the line of the expenditures. Notwithstanding the number of 
agents who have been employed, it is doubtful whether one-fifth of the 
population have been applied to. Masonic and Odd-Fellows Associa- 
tions have given largely, Washington having been a member of the 
former fraternity. Two or three cities have contributed by their muni- 
cipal authorities in money,* and it is confidently exj^ected that every city 
in the Union will furnish its quota. 

Every State in the Union, and a large number of cities, towns and 
associations have contributed blocks with suitable devices. Some of 
these are very large and costly, with the finest basso relievos upon them. 
Michigan sends a block of native copper, with letters of native silver, 
while an immense variety of beautiful marbles and granites are repre- 
sented in the others ; indeed the display here made has suggested the 
idea, which it is hoped will be carried out, of completing the interior 
finish of the capitol extension, with specimens of every kind of Amer- 
ican material. The Swiss Confederation sent a block from the Alps, 
and almost every week some new one arrives. All these add greatly to 
the interest with which the monument is regarded, and we cannot but 
believe that the work will continue slowly but steadily to progress. 

It became necessary at an early day to decide upon a plan, litho- 
graphic designs of which furnished to contributors, with receipts ap- 
pended, would, it was thought, aid the collectors in their operations, 
and, from a large number of designs, which were submitted, that of 
Robert Mills was finally selected, consisting of an obelisk of great 

Monument Place, the Patent Office, and from the city government, which 
amounts to as much more. New York, Brooklyn, and Albany, a little less than 
$4,Y00; St. Louis, about $2,500; Cincinnati, .$2,900. California has sent more 
than any other State in proportion to population. Considerable sums have 
been received at the polls, and in taking the census. Better collections have 
been made at the South than at the North. 

* Washington, $2,500; Georgetown, D. C, $100; Lafayette, Louisiana, $500 ; 
Savannah, Georgia, $100 a year until completed. 



86 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

height, surrounded by a colonade of doric columns, called a pantlieon, 
to contain revolutionary relics, statues, &c. 

This is so mucli a mere matter of taste that it is not easy to say 
what design would have best suited the public at large, and satisfied, 
to a reasonable degree, the critics, in architecture. On the one hand, 
the union of the Egyptian obelisk with the Grecian pantheon is con- 
sidered by artists a great violation of proprieties. But for the satisfac- 
tion of such be it known, that there is no probability that the pantheon 
will ever be built, the obelisk alone being about as much as the Society 
can hope to receive the funds for. The cost of the obelisk, which is 
first to be completed, is estimated at $552,000; and that of the obelisk 
and pantheon, forming the entire monument, at |1, 122,000. Should 
the whole amount be subscribed, and a structure at the base be added, 
it can be altered so as to conform more nearly to the obelisk. At least 
such a change might be made that the base of the obelisk will be visi- 
ble, so that it may not seem, as now, to stand on columns. On the 
other hand, the agents say that the design is very generally admired 
by those who are called upon for subscriptions, except in some of the 
more critical classes in northern cities. To such an extent are our ideas 
of beauty formed by education ! And do we not sometimes make up 
our judgment rather by arbitrary rules as to harmony laid down in 
books than by any real want of harmony between two orders of archi- 
tecture ? For our own part we should have thought that something 
might have been designed more peculiarly expressive of its object and 
more American in its details, less of a mere imitation of the ancients, 
something which would have embodied in it the trees and products 
peculiar to our country. Nothing attracts more admiration in the 
Capitol than what is sometimes called the American order of architec- 
ture, columns formed of bundles of corn-stalks, with capitals of corn, 
and the columns of the circle between the rotunda and Senate chamber 
with capitals of tobacco leaves. But our artists and architects have not 
heretofore shown much originality or taste in devising monuments on 
a large scale, whatever may be said of smaller works in cemeteries. 
Some years ago the committee for erecting a monument at Hamilton 
Square, in New York, advertised for plans, and some forty or fifty de- 
signs were sent in and exhibited at the Art Union. A inore grotesque 
and absurd looking group of light-houses, pyramids, and nondescript 
looking structures never were got together. Only one, that of Frazee, 
received the faintest modicum of praise, and that, if we recollect right, 
was a superb copy of the Parthenon, to cost about five millions of dol- 
lars ! After this exhibition of what a number of artists could offer, we 
became reconciled to the design of the National Monument, which, 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 87 

either as a whole or as a simple obelist, was far superior in every re- 
spect to anything here presented. To be sure it would have been de- 
sirable to have something a little less like a second edition of Bunker 
Hill Monument, and which could present internal as well as outward 
attractions. The stones presented by States and associations are to 
line the inside walls at each landing of the staircase, and must be 
viewed by artificial light — a great disadvantage. These were not, how- 
ever, thought of until after the work had progressed for some time. 
And it is remarkable that long as the plan was before the public, and 
when there was yet an opportunity for change, not a word was said by 
those who are now so ready to ^nd fault. 

But it is too late now to make any material changes in the obe- 
lisk, which, with all the objections to it, presents some decided ad- 
vantages. 

First. It is of all monuments the strongest and most enduring, next 
to that of the pyramid. In 1800, when the question in Congress was 
between adopting the statue of '83, or a mausoleum, in pyramidal form, 
it was stated in debate that, without any concert whatever, a remarka- 
ble concurrence had taken place between West, Trumbull, and other 
respectable artists, who gave an unequivocal preference to a mausoleum. 
A mausoleum would last for ages, and would present the same im- 
perishable appearance two thousand years hence that it would now ; 
whereas a statue would only remain until some civil convulsion or foreign 
invasion or flagitious conqueror, or lawless mob, should dash it into 
atoms, or until some invading barbarian should transport it as a trophy 
of his guilt to a foreign shore. Besides a statue was minute, trivial, 
perishable. It was a monument erected to all that crowd of esti- 
mable but subordinate personages that soar in a region elevated in- 
deed above common characters, but which was infinitely below that of 
Washington. 

Secondly. It is like the government and character of Washington, 
simple and majestic, with no attempt at ornament. It cannot well be 
spoiled in building, or by bad sculpture. We could not hope to rival 
the magnificent productions of the Old World in sculpture, however 
creditable the works of our artists may have been in one or two in- 
stances. 

Thirdly. It will excel all others in one respect, that of height, as will 
be seen by the following comparison between this and some of the most 
celebrated monuments and churches : 

JTo. Height — feet. 

1. St. Antoine's Column, at Rome 135 

2. Capitol, at Washington 140 



88 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Xo. Height— feet 

3. Principal Tower of Smithsoniau Institution. 145 

4. Trajan's Column, at Rome. 145 

5. jSTapoleon^s Column, at Paris 150 

6. Washington's Column, at Baltimore - 180 

1. The Great Obelisk, Thebes. 200 

8. Bunker Hill Monument, Boston 220 

9. Colunm of Delhi , 262 

10. Trinity Church, New York. 264 

11. St. Paul's Cathedral, (Dome,) London, 320 

12. St. Peter's Cathedral, (Dome,) Rome. 465 

' 13. Tower of the Cathedral of Strasbourg. , 460 

14. Great Pyramid of Egypt. 480 

15. Tower of Malines 350 

16. Washington National Monument, at Dist. of Col. . . .517-|- 
The foundation of the obelisk is laid 81 feet square, 8 feet below the 

ground, and is contracted so as to be 61 feet 10 inches square at the 
top, an elevation of 25 feet of solid masonry. 

The obelisk is commenced at the height of 1*7-1- feet above the ground, 
5o feet square, cased with marble, with walls 15 feet thick, leaving a 
cavity of 25 feet. It will be ascended by stairs in the inside, and by 
machinery, to an elevation of 517|- feet.* Something of a climb this! 
To ascend by zigzag staircases a thousand steps, and view the presenta- 
tion blocks as you go along, will be a good day's work. The workmen 
go up and down now by machinery. But, if Washington's sarcophagus 
should ever be placed in the centre, there would seem to be a kind of 
sacrilege in riding up above it. The only opening, besides the doors, 
will be a large star, near the top on each side. It has been proposed 
to cap it with one large glass cone. The obelisk will stand on a plat- 
form or pedestal extending on every side, and having arched rooms well 
lighted from above, in which may be deposited the reliques of Wash- 
ington now preserved at the Patent Office. 

As to the material, the outside is constructed of what is known as 
Symington's large crystal marble, procured from the vicinity of Bal- 
timore. The main body of the wall is of blue gneiss, and with this 
the interior is lined, except where blocks presented by States or asso- 
ciations have been inserted. , The quality of the material and its 

* The visitor -will find it difficult, from the present apY)earance of the work, 
to realize how it will look when completed. Standing alone, and not contrast- 
ing with buildings around, with no windows to break the wall, it looks low, 
although over 150 feet high from the ground; and it is only by pacing around, 
that one perceives that it covers more space than one of the largest sized double 
houses, such as have a hall in the centre with rooms on each side. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMEXT OF THE UNITED STATES. 89 

capacity to sustain pressure and resist frost were most satisfactorily 
tested in some experiments made at two different times, under the 
direction of tlie Department of the Interior,* 

"Mr. Robert Mills, the architect thus reports, in June 26, 1849, theresiiltof the 
experiments to determine the strength of the marble proposed for the facing of 
the walls of the Patent Office wing buildings, obtained from the same quarries 
that supply the marble used for the outer casing or facing of the monument, as 
determined by Professor Page and himself, and with the aid of a jjowerful 
hydrostatic press, (Bramah principle,) constructed by the Superintendent of 
Machinery at the Navy Yard, Mr. Ellis. "We had supplied oxirselves with eight 
marble blocks, or cubes of two inches square, taken from several points, pro- 
miscuously, in the quarries. 

The specifie gravity of this marble had been previously ascertained by Dr. 
Page, when he reported on the durability of certaini^tones submitted to him by 
the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, namely, 2857. 

Cube No. 1, subjected to the press, bore (10,000) ten thousand pounds, before 
exhibiting any fracture, and was crushed under the pressure of (11,000) eleven 
thousand pounds. 

K"o. 2 was crushed under the force of ten thousand six hundred (10,600) 
pounds; No. 3, 11,800 lbs.; No. 4, 10,825 lbs.; No. 5, 9,750 lbs.; No. 0, about 
the same; No. 7, 11,375 lbs.; and No. 8, 10,500 lbs. 

The average of all these exceeds ten thousands pounds, which equals in 
strength the granites. 

The atmospheric action on the same description of marble, was ascertained by 
Dr. Page to be the fifteenth part of one grain, (the specimens were cut into 
inch cubes, and the time of action four weeks,) compared with the large crys- 
tal marble of New York, (like that used in the facing of the General Post Office,) 
it was found to be a moiety. Port Deposite granite lost ninety-one hundredths 
of a grain, and Trinity Church five grains, and light colored sandstone 1 58-100 
grains, while the Patent Office light sandstone 18 60-100 grains. 

The practical application of these experiments to the work in marble at the 
Washington National Monument, may be now presented under the following 
formula : 

1st. Given the height of the monument 500 feet, what is the weight of a 
cubical column of marble twelve inches square at the base. 

The weight of a cubic foot of this marble, 180 lbs.; by 500 feet==90,000 lbs.; 
which is the pressure upon one square foot at the base of this column. 

2d. Given a cube of two inches, or a base of four square inches, which, by 
experiment will bear a pressure of ten thousand lbs.; to determine what a square 
foot of marble at the base of the monument would bear before crushing. 

Then if a base of marble of 4 square inches will bear a pressure of 10,000 lbs.; 
what will a base of marble of 144 square inches bear ? 

As 4 in. : 10,000 lbs : : 144 into 360,000 lbs., or four times the actual weight 

* A discoloration which appears in the marble in the monument, and which 
has been attributed to the presence of iron, is, we are informed, caused by the 
strips of lead which are placed between the blocks along with the cement, and 
undergo at first a partial decomposition until the cement becomes hard. It may, 
we are told, be washed off. 



90 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

of a column of marble 500 feet high, pressing on a square foot at the base of 
the monument. 

We subjected also a block of the Blue Stone (gneiss) of the Potomac, which 
forms the foundation and backing to the marble of the structure, to the test of 
pressure, and found that a block squaring but 3.37^ square inches bore a pres- 
sure of 13,375 lbs. before fracture. 

The above calculations are all based upon a perpendicular pressure. The 
form of that part of the Moniiment now erecting being the obelisk, the face or 
■wall continually diminishes as it rises, from a square of 55 feet at the base to a 
square of 35 feet at the apex, consequently the centre of gravity is continually 
changing, each block of marble forming the face actually having to bear scarcely 
a third of the superincumbent weight. 

A word on the strength of foreign marble, <fec. Statuary marble of Italy bore 
under the same square of base 12,625 lbs.; the granite of Normandy 10,512 lbs.; 
the granite of the east 13,000 lbs.; and porphry 39,000. The New York marble 
of the kind facing the General Post Office building stood a pressure of 15,625 lbs. 

In answer to an inquiry in relation to the cause of the spauling or scaling off 
of the edges of the marble near the base of the monument, the superintendent 
states that the lead used between the joints the first season was rather light, 
the consequence was that the joints were close, and the weight above pressing 
down forced the mortar out, after becoming hard, and carried the edge of the 
marble with it. After the first season the thickness of the lead was increased, 
since which time nothing of the kind has occurred, neither has any further 
spauling taken place for the last four years, although 120 feet has been added 
to the weight which was on the monument at the time the spauling took place. 
He also states that the same thing took place at the Girard College in Phila- 
delphia, so much so, that they were obliged to saw out the joints. 

The site upon which the monument is being erected, was set apart 
by the President of the United States and the Board of Managers, 
under an act of Congress of January 21, 1848, embraces upwards of 
tJiirty acres, near the Potomac river, directly west of the Capitol, and 
south of the executive mansion, on the ground selected by the United 
States Commissioners, when they laid out the city, as the position for 
the statue of Washington, heretofore referred to as having been voted 
by the Continental Congress in 1783. It is so marked on the plan 
submitted by them to Congress in 1*793, during the Presidency of 
Washington. 

This fact is sufficient. Washington himself died in the belief that on 
this spot he would be commemorated. 

But the position is an admirable one, in other respects. Although, 
from some parts of the city the ground appears low, yet, on visiting the 
spot, one cannot but be struck with the commanding view presented of 
the river and all the public buildings. It is at the intersection of two 
gi-eat avenues, Louisiana, running from the City Hall, and Virginia, 
from the Navy Yard, while the ground or mall from the Capitol, by the 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 91 

Smithsonian Institute to the monument, and thence to the President's 
liouse, is being handsomely laid off into public gardens ft'om designs by 
Downing. 

Immediately east of the Monument Square is a beautiful site for the 
equestrian statue now being modelled by Clarke Mills. 

We cannot better close this article than by quoting the concluding 
words of Mr. Winthrop's admirable address on laying the corner stone, 
an event whichi took place on the 4th July, 1848 . 

" Let the column which we are about to construct, be at once a 
pledge and an emblem of perpetual union! Let the foundations be 
laid, let the superstructure be built up and cemented, let each stone be 
raised and riveted, in a spirit of national brotherhood ! And may the 
earliest ray of the rising sun — till that sun shall set to rise no more — 
draw forth from it daily, as from the fabled statue of antiquity, a strain 
of national harmony, which, shall strike a responsive cord in every beart 
throughout the Republic ! 

" Proceed, then, fellow-citizens, with the work for which you have 
assembled! Lay the corner-stone of a monument which shall ade- 
quately bespeak the gratitude of the whole American People to the 
illustrious Father of his Country ! Build it to the skies ; you cannot 
outreach the loftiness of his principles ! Found it upon the massive 
and eternal rock : you cannot make it more enduring than his fame ! 
Construct it of the peerless Parian marble : you cannot make it purer 
than his life ! Exhaust upon it the rules and principles of ancient and 
modern art : you cannot make it more proportionate than his char- 
acter !" 



CHAPTER V. 

THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 

SINGULARITY OF THE BEQUEST WHO WAS SMITHSON? DISCUSSIONS ON PROPRIETY 

OF ACCEPTING THE BEQUEST RECEPTION AND INVESTMENT OF THE FUNDS PLANS 

PROPOSED BY ADAMS, WATLAND, RUSH, ROBBINS, TAPPAN, CHOATE, OWEN, AND 

MARSH CHARTER DISCUSSION AMONG THE REGENTS, AND THEIR RESULT VIEWS OF 

SECRETARY HENRY ^ADDITIONAL BEQUEST BUILDING. 

" To the United States of America, to found at Washington, under 
the name of the Smithsonian Institution, an establishment for the 
increase and diffusion of knowledge among men." Such was the lan- 
guage by which, in a will, made in 1826, James Smithson disposed of 
the whole of his property, amounting to sometmng more than half a 



y2 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

million of dollars. It was, in every point of view, a remarkable bequest. 
Such a donation from a citizen of Europe, would be remarkable under 
any circumstances ; but it is much more singular coming from an 
Englishman, endued with no small degree of pride of country and 
lineage, if we may judge from the pains he takes, in the caption of his 
will, to detail his descent from the nobility. He is not known to have 
ever visited the United States, or to have had any friend residing here. 
Mr. Rush informs us that "he was a natural son of the Duke of Nor- 
thumberland, his mother being Mrs. Macie, of an ancient family in 
Wiltshire of the name of Hungerford — he was educated at Oxford, 
where he took an honorary degree in 1786 ; he took the name of James 
Lewis Macie until a few years after he left the University, when he 
changed it to Smithson. He does not appear to have had any fixed 
home, living in lodgings when in London, and occasionally, a year or 
two at a time, in the cities on the continent, as Paris, Berlin, Florence, 
and Genoa, at which last place he died. The ample provision made for 
him by the Duke of Northumberland, with retired and simple habits, 
enabled him to accumulate the fortune which passed to the United 
States. He interested himself little in questions of government, being 
devoted to science, and chiefly to chemistry. This had introduced him 
to the society of Cavendish WoUaston and others, advantageously known 
to the Royal Society in London, of which he was a member." 

In a paper relative to one of the publications of the Smithsonian 
Institution, read before a scientific society at Dublin, it is stated, on the 
authority of Chambers' Journal, that he had gained a name by the 
analysis of minute quantities, and that " it was he who caught a tear 
as it fell from a lady's cheek, and detected the salts and other substan- 
ces which it held in solution." In a notice of his scientific pursuits, by 
Professor Johnson, of Philadelphia, there are enumerated twenty-four 
papers or treatises by Smithson, published in the Transactions of the 
Royal Society, and other scientific journals of the day, containing arti- 
cles on mineralogy, geology, and more especially mineral chemistry. 
In the Annals of Philosophy (vol. 22, page 30) he has a brief tract on 
the method of making cofiee. The small case of his personal efiects, 
which is to be preserved in a separate apartment of the Institution, 
consists chiefly of minerals and chemical apparatus.* 

The will indicates a degree of sensitiveness on the subject of his il- 
legitimacy. He starts with a declaration of pedigree. _" I, James Smith- 

* It is to be hoped that the Institution will piiblish in a convenient form all 
such particulars as can be obtained concerning its foundci" ; also all his writings, 
and the discussions on receiving the bequest and establishing the Institution. 
Indeed it is remarkable that this has not been done before. The silver ware, 
among his personal effetts, should be cleansed up and kept in good order. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 93 

SOU, son of Hugh, first Duke of Northumberland, and Elizabeth, heiress 
of the Hungerfords of Audley, and niece of Charles the proud, Duke 
of Somerset, now residing in Bentinck street, Cavendish square, do 
make this my last will and testament." 

Nothing but an apprehension that some imputation might be cast 
upon his birth, would have led him thus to proclaim that some of the 
best blood of England flowed in his veins. Having thus demonstrated 
that he had no occasion to be ashamed of his descent, he goes on as if to 
show his contempt for the distinctions made by the law in such cases, 
and gives the whole income of his property to a nephew, Henry James 
Hungerford, heretofore called Henry James Dickinson, for life, and, after 
bis death the property. to the child or children, legitimate or illegitimate^ 
of said nephew. But should the nephew marry, he empowers him to 
make a jointure. On the death of this nephew without issue, the be- 
quest to the United States to take eft'ect. 

It has been inferred by some that he must have dictated this will 
while suffering under some slight or mortification in consequence of his 
birth, when, in a feeling of disgust he determined to bestow his liberali- 
ty elsewhere ; and so brief an expression does look a little like a mere 
whim or caprice of the moment, although made long before his death. 
Chambers' Journal mentions that he had at one time bequeathed his 
property to the Royal Society , but changed the disposition of it in 
consequence of some offence taken at the action of that Institution. 
It is a pity that the cause of offence is not given, since it might possi- 
bly have thrown some light upon the kind of Institution he had in view ; 
but it is hardly reasonable to suppose that it had any connection with 
his paternity. The probability is, that he saw in the United States a 
comparatively unoccupied field, where such an Institution would exert 
more influence and be better known than among the crowd of well- 
endowed establishments in the old world. 

The bequest was announced to Congress by President Jackson in a 
message on the lYth December, 1835. In each House a report was 
made on the subject. In the Senate, on the 5th January, 1836, Mr. 
Leigh, from the Judiciary Committee, reported a resolution to author- 
ize the appointment of an agent to take the necessary proceedings in 
the English Court of Chancery for the recovery of the same. 

The j)oints considered by the committee were whether it was com- 
petent for the United States, whether it comported with their dignity, 
whether, all circumstances considered, it was expedient and proper 
that they should appear as suitors in the courts of justice in England, 
to assert their claim to the legacy, as trustees for the intended charit- 
able institution to be founded at "Washington. The committee thought 



94 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

that, whatever doubts might exist as to whether Government could ap- 
propriate any part of their revenue collected from the nation at large 
for the endowment of a literary or charitable institution in the District, 
no such question was involved here, as the Government is to accept 
as trustee and parens-patriae of the District, in which capacity, and as 
the only Legislature of the District, they might properly appropriate 
funds to pay the expense of procuring the legacy.* 

On the 19th January, Mr. J. Q. Adams reported from a select com- 
mittee to the House of Representatives a law providing for the same 
object as Mr. Leigh's resolution, and accompanied it by a report,f in 
which he gives the following more detailed account of Smithson's de- 
scent, which adds to the singularity of this bequest, inasmuch as it 
shows that a brother of the testator fought against us in the Revolu- 
tion: 

"Nearly two centuries since, in 1660, the ancestor of his own name, 
Hugh Smithson, immediately after the restoration of the Royal family 
of the Stuarts, received from Charles the Second, as a reward for his 
eminent services to that house during the civil wars, the dignity of 
Baronet of England — a dignity still held by the Dukes of Northum- 
berland as descendents from the same Hugh Smithson. The father 
of the testator, by his marriage with the Lady Elizabeth Seymour, who 
was descended by a female line from the ancient Percies, and by the 
subsequent creation of George the Third in 1Y66, became the &'st 
Duke of Northumberland. His son and successor, the brother of the 
testator, known in the history of our Revolutionary war by the name 
of Lord Percy, was present, as a British officer, at the sanguinary open- 
ing scene of our Revolutionary war at Lexington, and at the battle of 
Bunker Hill ; and was the bearer to the British Government of the 
despatches from the commander-in-chief of the Royal forces announc- 
ing the event of that memorable day." 

Further on the venerable reporter proceeds as follows : 
" The father of the testator, upon forming his alliance with the heiress 
of the family of the Percies, assumed by an act of the British Parlia- 
ment that name, and under it became Duke of Northumberland. But, 
renowned as is the name of Percy in the historical annals of England ; 
resounding as it does from the summit of the Cheviot Hills to the ears 
of our children, in the ballad of Chevy Chase, with the classical com- 
mentary of Addison ; freshened and renovated in our memory as it has 
recently been, from the purest fountain of poetical inspiration, in the 
loftier strain of Alnwick castle, tuned by a bard of our own native land, 

* Senate Doc. 42, 24th Congress, 1st session. 
f H. R. Doc. 181, 24th Congress, Ist session. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 95 

(Fitz Greene Halleck ;) doubly immortalized as it is in tlie deathless 
dramas of Shakespeare ; ' confident against the world in arms,' as it 
may have been in ages long past, and may still be in the virtues of its 
present possessors by inheritance, let the trust of James Smitkson to 
the United States of America be faithfully executed by their Represent- 
atives in Congress — let the result accomplish his object, ' the increase 
and diffusion of knowledge among men,' and a wreath of more unfading 
virtue shall entwine itself in the lapse of future ages around the name 
of Smithson than the united hands of tradition, history, and poetry 
have braided around the name of Percy, through the long perspective 
in ages past of a thousand years." 

This eloquent passage in Mr. Adams' report was adverted to by Mr. 
Preston, in the Senate, when the report of Mr. Leigh was taken up for 
consideration,* and he said there was danger, that in view of this sub- 
ject, the imagination should be led away by Chevy Chase ballads ; and 
he, with Mr. Calhoun, contended that Congress had not the power, 
under the Constitution, to receive it, (a power which Mr, Adams had 
taken for granted.) His argument was that they had no right to estab- 
lish a national university, and if they could not do that directly, they 
could not do it indirectly by acting as trustee for others. He thought 
the donation had been partly made with a view to immortalize the 
donor, and that it was too cheap a way of conferring immortality. 
He had no idea of the District of Cokimbia being used as a fulcrum to 
raise foreigners to immortality, by getting Congress, as parens-patrite of 
the District, to accept donations. Besides, in this instance it could not 
be said to be for the especial benefit of the District — that was only the 
location — whatever benefit Washington City derived, would be but in- 
cidental from the buildings being there. As well might it be said that 
the Patent Ofiice and other establishments of Government were for the 
especial benefit of the District, although advantages were derived 
therefrom. The bequest was for the benefit of the whole of mankind, 
and he thought there was no power under the Constitution to legislate 
for the education or exercise of philanthropy to the whole world — that 
was reserved to the States. If they accepted this donation every whip- 
per-snapper that had been traducing our country might think proper to 
have his name distinguished in the same way. It was not consistent 
with the dignity of the country, to accept even the grant of a man of 
noble birth and lineage. In opposition to this view, Messrs. Clayton 
and Southard contended for the right to establish a national uni- 
versity, and Messrs. Buchanan, Walker, Davis and others, thought that 

* See Congressional Globe, May 2d, 1836, for this debate, which is quite in- 
teresting ; we do not profess to give the words of the speakers, but the sub- 
stance. 



96 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 

question had no bearing on the subject ; but all of them favored the 
present bill. Congress had established other literary institutions in the 
District, and, though the policy of doing so had been questioned, no 
objection had ever been made as to the constitutional right. It could 
not be doubted that the States might establish such institutions in their 
midst, and, by the acts of cession, Maryland and Virginia, had vested 
all their power in Congress. There was no question but that Smithson, 
in his lifetime, had a right to establish a college at Washington, and 
call it a National or a Smithsonian University, and Congress by accept- 
ing would only act as the trustee of the City of Washington, to Avhose 
benefit it would ensue, even if not made expressly therefor. The insti- 
tutions already established here, were mainly for the benefit of Wash- 
ington, although students from other places would also be benefitted 
thereby. So the Smithsonian, while intended for the benefit of all 
mankind, would make itself chiefly felt in Washington. The act 
accepting the bequest, was finally passed by yeas 31, nays Y, and 
it became a law on the 1st July, 1836. Under it Mr. Richard Rush 
was appointed agent, who, on the 12th May, 1838, announced to the 
Secretary of State, that the court of chancer}?- had decided in favor of 
the United States, after hearing all parties interested, and also the 
Attorney General, in behalf of the Queen, (who interposed however no 
objections to the final disposition of the fund,) and Avith a despatch 
which was attributed in part to the fact, that it was the first time this 
Government had ever been a party to a suit in England. 

The whole amount received, in September, 1838, was $508,318 46, 
the most of which was immediately invested in Arkansas State bonds, 
by the Secretary of the Treasury, and not one dollar of principal or 
interest has that State ever paid, nor do we know that any effort has 
ever been made by the Legislature or the people to wipe off this stain. 
This fact has no particular bearing on our subject; because, Congress 
having pledged the faith of the United States, made good the deficiency 
in the fund out of the treasury, but it cannot be too often adverted to, 
for the constant mention of it may some day raise the sense of shame 
to as great a pitch among the citizens of the State thus disgraced, as 
it has already done upon the cheek of every citizen who has any pride 
of country. 

The President, through the Secretary of State, invited gentlemen of 
learning and distinction to submit their views as to the best method of 
applying the Smithsonian bequest, and very full replies were received 
from Mr. J. Q. Adams, President Wayland, Mr. Richard Rush, and 
Presidents Cooper and Chapin.* 

* House of Reps. 25th Congress, 1838, Doc. No. 11. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 9Y 

The first suggested that annual courses of lectures on tlie principal sci- 
ences, physical and mathematical, moral, political, and literary, to be 
delivered, not by permanent professors, but by persons annually appoint- 
ed, with a liberal compensation for each course, were among the means 
well adapted to the end of increasing and diffusing knowledge among 
men. 

He subsequently embodied his views much more at length in a 
somewhat famous report, made to Congress in 1839,* the leading idea 
embodied in which was a great Observatory and a Nautical x\lmanac, 
to which the whole income was to be devoted for seven years, which, 
he thought, would be long enough to completely establish and endow 
it, then another department was to be taken up, such as a Botanic Gar- 
den ; next a Museum of Natural History, or a Library, and so on 
through all the objects which tend to the increase of knowledge, each 
of which was to be made complete, before -commencing a new one. 
The Observatory feature he abandoned on the erection of one by the 
Government. Every one will unite with him in that part of his letter 
where he expresses his anxiety to " guard against the canker off almost 
all charitable foundations — ^jobbing for parasites and sops for hungry 
incapacity." For the economical management of the fund, and the 
periodical application of it to appropriate expenditures, he recommends 
that it be invested in a board of trustees, to consist partly of members 
of Congress, with the Secretaries cf the Departments, the Attorney Gen- 
eral, the Mayor of the city of Washington, and one or more inhabitants of 
the District of Columbia, to be incorporated as trustees of the Smithso- 
nian fund, with a secretary and treasurer in one person, and to be the 
cmly salaried person of the board ; to be appointed for four years, and be 
eapable of reappointment, but removable for adequate cause by a majority 
of the board." These suggestions were, to some extent, adopted in the 
provisions of the act which provides for the Board of Regents, also a sug- 
gestion made by Mr. Rush, that the affairs should be subject to the inves- 
tigation of the President, aided by a standing board, to consist of the 
chief officers of the Government. And for the good government of the 
Institution, the standing board to call in the assistance of three or more 
scientific or literary persons unconnected with it. 

President Wayland recommended a " National University," occupv- 
ing the space between the close of a collegiate education and a profes- 
sional school ; that there should be public lectures on Latin, Greek, 
Hebrew, and the Oriental languages ; that all the modern languages of 
any use to the scholar should be taught ; astronomy, engineering, civil 

* House Eeps. 2'7th Congress, 1839, 2d Sess., Doc. Ko. 85*7. Also Doc. 2'7'7 
1840, 1st session, 26th Congress. — Congressional Globe, April 12, 1842. 

7 %^ - 



98 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

and military ; tlie art of war, beginning where it is left oflP at West 
Point; chemistry, geology, mining, music, and poetry; political econ- 
omy, intellectual philosophy, physiology, vegetable and animal ; anat- 
omy, human, comparative ; history, the laws of nations and the general 
principles of law, the Constitution of the United States. 

Mr. Senator Robbins, of Rhode Island, on occasion of moving for a 
joint committee on the subject on the 10th January, 1839, advocated 
something similar to this of President Wayland, in a very elegant and 
classical speech. He proposed for the present to make the Smithsonian 
an independent institution ; but cherished the hope that it might here- 
after form one of a number of colleges to constitute a university, to be 
established in Washington, and endowed in a manner worthy of the 
nation. The joint committee was appointed, Mr. Adams being chair- 
man of that on the part of the House, but the committee being unable 
to agree, reported two bills for the consideration of each house. On 
the 25th January, that of Mr. Robbins* was taken up in the Senate, 
and, after an animated discussion, laid on the table by a vote of 20 to 
15. Mrs Adams made the report before referred to to the other house; 
but no action was taken thereoii ; and no decisive action by either branch 
took place until the 9th January, 1845, when the Senate again had the. 
subject before them, upon a bill reported by Mr. Tappan on the 6th of 
June, 1844, and an interesting discussion to&k place — Senators Tappan, 
Ghoate, Woodbury, Buchanan, Crittenden, and Rives taking part.f Mr. 
Tappan's bill proposed to found at Washington an institution to teach 
the scientific principles of certain useful arts, and to appoint, on perma- 
nent salaries, a professor of agriculture, horticulture, and rural economy ; 
professors of natural history, of chemistry, geology, astronomy, architec- 
ture and domestic science, together with occasional auxiliary lectures- — ■ 
all those professors and lecturers " to have special reference in all their 
illustrations and instructions to the productive and liberal arts of life — 
to improvements in agriculture, manufactures, trades, and domestic econ- 
omy" — to analyze different kinds of soils, and to learn and teach how 
to enrich them — illustrate the working of mines — to teach navigation — 
to illustrate the theory and practice of building, lighting, and ventilat- 
ing all manner of edifices — to make experiments to see what exotics 
will and what will not grow in the United States. No books to be 
purchased for the institution " except works on science and arts, espe- 
cially such as relate to the ordinary business of life, and to the various 
mechanical and other improvements and discoveries which may be made." 

* Senate bill No. 293. 

f See report in Cong. Globe, January 10, 1845; National Intelligencer, Janu- 
ary 11, 12, 24, 1845. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 99 

A principal objection urged against tliis was that tlie ground was al- ■ 
ready occupied by more tban 173 colleges, wbic.b would sooner or 
later furnish all the facilities here proposed; but Mr. Tappan con- 
tended that the effect and object of the bill was to establish something 
like the Garden of Plants in Paris, to which we had* nothing analogous 
in this country. Mr. Smithson had passed a great part of the last years 
of his life in this garden, and Mr. T. was impressed with the idea that, 
in making this bequest, he had in view the establishment of such a 
garden in Washington. In this opinion, as to Smithson's intentions, 
Mr. Woodbury concurred, but thought the permanent professorships 
should be left out, and provision made for lectures by the most able 
men who could be employed from time to time. He also favored a 
more liberal allowance to the library, and vesting the management in 
the National Institution, an incorporated society in the District. Mr. 
Rives thought if men were to go to Paris for a model, the lectures at 
the Sorbonne [Faculte des Lettres) would furnish a system more nearly 
in accordance with the words of the bequest. Mr. Choate, Mr. Pearce, 
and others, advocated the appropriation of a large portion of the fuuds 
to a great library, and gave some curious statistics as to the wants of 
the country in this respect. 

While the numerous colleges of the country were well provided with 
instruction in most of the departments, they all called for more books 
for their libraries, and one great library of reference was wanted at 
some convenient place. Of all the printed books in the world, it was 
doubtful if we had in this country more than 50,000 different works. 

Most of our great writers had been obliged to go to Europe to con- 
sult books. The Congressional Library, though improving constantly, 
was in theory a library to furnish Congress with the means of doing 
their official business, and members must be allowed to take them to 
their rooms. So of the libraries- in the Departments, They were 
needed for officials in the daily course of business, and none of these 
could be opened to the student with the advantages which the Smith- 
sonian library, of books to be constantly retained in the room, would 
afford. 

With such an aid, said Mr. Choate, " our learned men would grow 
more learned and able ; our studies deeper and wider ; our mind itself 
exercised and sharpened; the whole culture of the community raised 
and enriched. This is, indeed, the increase and diffusion of knowl- 
edge." * * " jSTot among the principal, nor yet the least of reasons 
for doing so, is that all the while that you are laying out your money, 
and when you have laid it out, you have the money's worth, the value 
received, the property purchased on hand, to show for itself and to 
speak for itself." 



100 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

"Anotlier reason, not tlie strongest to be sure, for this mode of ex- 
penditure, is that it creates so few jobs and sinecures," 

Such considerations as these led to the amendment of the bill on 
Mr. Choate's motion, so as to leave out all- the professorships, reserving 
the provision for lectures, botanic garden, laboratory, &c., and direct- 
ing $20,000 of the annual income to be invested in a library, without 
restriction as to the kind of books. It passed the Senate, January 23d, 
1845, but was not reached in the House. 

On the 28th February, 1846, Mr. Robert Dale Owen, from the select 
committee in the House to which the Senate bill had been referred, re- 
ported a substitute, which was taken up for consideration on the 2 2d 
April, 1846. 

This substitute resembled Mr. Tappan's bill in many respects, differ- 
ing from it mainly in an additional provision for a Normal school, or 
school for teachers. 

We will take this occasion to say, that great credit is due to Mr. 
Owen for his perseverance in urging upon the House the importance 
of decided action in disposing of this bequest. No one did more to 
press it to a vote, and thus redeem the country from any imputation of 
violating phghted faith. His proposition for a Normal school, which, 
however, he did not urge very strenuously, met with no favor. His 
speech is an interesting review of the various plans which had pre- 
viously been presented, and with a reply to Mr. Choate's argument in 
favor of large appropriations for a library. He was answered, mainly 
on the latter topic, by Mr. Marsh, of Vermont, in an excellent speech, 

A most extraordinary motion was made by Mr. G. W. Jones, of 
Tennessee, to amend by a provision that the fund should be paid over 
to the heirs-at-law of James Smithson, not ^ra money ^ but in the worth- 
less Arkansas stock. Whatever may be said about the impropriety of 
holding a trustee liable for investments made in good faith, such a pro- 
position made on behalf of a Government which had pledged its faith 
to carry into eifect the objects of the testator, is too evidently con- 
temptible to merit comment ; but the fact that the proposition was made 
is worthy of note, as showing to what extremes some men will go. 

Mr. Simms, of South Carolina, moved to return the principal, with 
interest, in money, to the Court of Chancery in England, believing its 
acceptance to have been unconstitutional, Mr. Adams took the ground 
in contradiction to that assumed in some of his previous reports, that, 
before taking any action on the subject. Congress should wait until 
Arkansas paid up. Mr. Morse, of Louisiana, proposed a plan for offer- 
• ing rewards for the best original dissertations on science and art, 
which was, with the pre'snous amendments, voted down. Finally, Mr, 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 101 

Hough, of New York, brouglit forward a substitute for tlie wliole bill, 
to whicli Mr. Marsh oftered several amendments, with a view, as he 
said, to direct the appropriation entirely to the purposes of a library, 
all of which were adopted. Among these amendments was one stick- 
ing out two sections of Mr. Hough's bill, lohich sections directed the 
Regents to cause to he printed, from time to time, any lecture or lectures, 
essays, pamphlets, magazines, or other brief loorhs for diffusing 
information among the people. Thus amended, the bill was passed, 
and sent to the Senate, where it was reported with amendments by Mr. 
Dix, of New York, but it would have failed for want of attention only, 
had not Mr. Evans, of Maine, on the last day of the session, urged 
upon the Senate the importance of disposing of the subject, when it 
was immediately passed as it came from the House, and the necessary 
Regents appointed. 

Thus, on the tenth day of August, 1846, eight years after receiving 
the money. Congress redeemed its pledged faith in this matter. 

We have presented the foregoing rapid sketch of the various move- ^ 
ments in reference to this subject, in order to give some idea of the 
number of minds which have at different times been engaged upon it, 
and to aid, if possible, in determining what plan best represented the 
vicAvs of the majority of thinking men. 

By this charter, as by all others that were proposed, the whole origi- 
nal fund was loaned to the United States Treasury from the date of its 
reception, in 1838, at six per cent, interest, the principal to remain un- 
impaired, and the interest to be appropriated to the maintenance of the 
institution. (§ 2.) 

The immediate government is vested in a Board of Regents, consist- 
ing of the Vice President and Chief Justice of the United States, the • 
Mayor of Washington, three Members of the Senate, and three of the 
House of Representatives, appointed by the presiding officers, and six 
citizens at large, to be appointed by Congress. The Regents to be paid 
necessary travelling expenses, five to constitute a quorum. (§ 3.) 

" The Smithsonian Institution" proper, or " establishment for the in- 
crease and diffusion of knowledge among men," to consist of a supervi- 
sory or visitorial board, composed of the ex-officio members, not in Con- 
gress, of the Board of Regents, with the addition of the President of the 
United States, the Heads of Departments, except the Interior, (since 
organised,) and the Commissioner of Patents, and such other persons 
as they may elect honorary members, who are to have perpetual suc- 
cession, <fec. (§ 1.) 

This body is authorized to hold such meetings for the supervision 
of the affairs of the institution, and the advice and instruction of the 



102 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Board of Regents as may be provided for by tlie by-laws, at which the 
President, and in his absence the Vice President, shall preside. (§ 8.) 
The officers to consist of a Chancellor, who is to preside over the 
Board of Regents, and a Secretary who shall be secretary to " the Insti- 
tution" and the Regents, and shall call a meeting on the application of 
any three ; (§ 3 ;) who shall take charge of the building and property 
of the institution, keep records of proceedings, &c., and may, with 
consent of Regents, employ assistants. (§ 7.) 

The Regents to select a site for a building to be erected, either so as 
to form a wing of the Patent Office building, or on any other conveni- 
ent part of the public grounds, to be of plain and durable materials 
and structure, without unnecessary ornament, and of sufficient size, and 
with suitable rooms or halls for the reception and arrangement, upon a 
liberal scale, of objects of natural history, including a geological and 
mineralogical cabinet ; also a chemical laboratory, a library, a gallery 
of art, and the necessary lecture rooms. (§§ 4 and 5.) 

In proportion as suitable arrangements can be made for their recep- 
* tion, all objects of art, and of foreign and curious research, objects of 
natural history, plants, and geological and mineralogical specimens, in 
Washington, belonging to the United States, to be transferred to such 
persons as the Regents may appoint to receive them, and placed by 
him in the building under custody of the Regents, who are authorized 
to make exchanges. Smithson's effects to be preserved separate and 
apart from all other property. (§ 6.) 

The Regents to make, from the interest, an appropriation, not ex- 
ceeding an average of twenty-five thousand dollars annually, for the 
gradual formation of a library composed of valuable works pertaining 
to all departments of human knowledge. (§ 8.) 

Of any other moneys not herein appropriated, or not required for 
the purposes herein provided, the managers are authorized to make 
such disposal as they shall deem best suited for the promotion of the 
purpose of the testator, any thing herein contained to the contrary not- 
withstanding. (§9.) 

One copy of every copy-right work shall, within three months from 
publication, be deposited in the library. (§ 10.) 

Congress to have the right of repealing, altering, or amending, con- 
tracts not being impaired. (§ 11.) 

It will be seen that the act requires that there be provided a hall or 
halls for a museum, a chemical laboratory, necessary lecture rooms, and 
a gallery of art. 

They render necessary an annual appropriation to collect and support 
library, another to maintain a museum ; and indicate an intention 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 103 

that a portiou of tlie annual interest sliould be applied to the advance- 
ment of physical science and arts, in part by lectures. This part of 
the act may be appropriately referred to as the specified objects. 

But, after enumerating these items, the framers of the charter added 
a clause, authorizing the Board, as to all funds 7iot herein appro'priated 
or not required for the purposes specified, to make " such disposal 
as they shall deem best suited for the promotion of the purpose of the tes- 
tator." The expenditures under this head, we will designate as general 
operations. The words we have italicised suggested a question which 
was the subject of much discussion in the Board of Regents — what 
funds are required ''''for purposes herein provided .?" How far is the act 
to be considered as intimating the opinion of Congress, on the true 
construGtion of Smithson's will, and consequently to govern the Regents? 
Is the provision, for instance, that a sum not exceeding twenty-five 
thousand dollars shall be annually expended on a library to be regarded 
Jis binding the Board to make, in the outset, large appropriations to 
that object, or, will an expenditure of one or two thousand dollars a 
year be a sufficient compliance? As indicative of the first impressions 
on this point, we may here menti<ipi that the Board, soon after organ- 
izing, resolved, that for the present |20,000 should be appropriated for 
the purchase of books, and fitting up of a library, to commence from 
January 1st, 1848, a resolution which was never carried into effect, it 
being urged that it was repealed by the subsequent action of the 
35oard. The first Board of Regents was composed of a number of 
those who had taken interest in the subject from the commencement. 
They were Vice President Dallas, Chief Justice Taney, Mayor Seaton, 
Senators Evans, Cass, and Breese, Representatives Owen, Hough, and 
Hilliard, Rufus Choate, Richard Rush, Gideon Hawley, W. C. Preston, 
Professor A. D. Bache, and Col. J. G. Totten. Mr. Dallas was elected 
Chancellor, and, in his address on laying the corner-stone, thus alluded to 
the discussions : " How best to put this Smithsonian Institution in pro- 
gi-ess ; to give it definite character and views ; to shape its line of march 
as Congress has either ordered or intimated that it should be, and to 
let the testamentary purpose be apparent in all its operations, was a 
task on which ability and much consultation have been expended. 
There was — I may almost say — necessarily, and of course there was 
on this cardinal point, great diversitj'- of sentiment and construction, as 
tliere had been during the masterly debates which prefaced the passage 
of the law. What constituted " knowledge'^ in the sense of Smithson's 
bequest ? In what manner shall its " increase''"' be provided for ? By 
what methods shall its " diffusion)'' be sought ? Should the develop- 
ments of the laboratory be more engrossing than the stored resources 



104 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

of tlie library ? Will oral expositions or printed treatises be prefer- 
able ? Are permanent professorships to be systematized, or temporary 
teachers to be enlisted ? In fine, what should be the instruments and 
the orbit of an establishment whence the light of knowledge was re- 
quired constantly to radiate among men. 

" They to whom was confided the resolution of these problems into 
practical measures, have felt the weight and delicacy of their mission. 
They began by profoundly studying the subject in its several aspects. 
They cherished with ardor, and discussed with freedom their respective 
projects. The conflicts of upright minds, however, rarely fail to end 
in mutual concession and compromise ; and thus scarcely a single meas- 
ure was adopted except by unanimous concurrence." The discussions 
in the Board were not public ; but as near as we have been able to 
o-ather, the following is a correct outline of the leading views presented : 

It was contended on the one side, that one of the specified objects 
alone, the care of the Government museum, would absorb a large por- 
tion of their income, and leave little or nothing for the others ; so with 
regard to the library, an appropriation anywhere near the limit fixed, 
would absorb all their resources ; # result which the framers of the 
act could not have intended ; and all they meant to require was, that 
accommodations should be provided for all specified objects on a liberal 
scale, and this, in deference to the future rather than the present, since 
a library, museum, and gallery of art were almost certain to grow up 
alono- with any literary or scientific establishment, in course of time ; 
and the Government had only placed the national collections at their 
disposal, in case the Regents thought fit to appoint any officer to receive 
them. That the " establishment" named in the first and eighth sections, 
was, with its honorary members, intended for a learned society, to su- 
pervise and direct the operations of the Regents ; and, it was absurd to 
suppose that this society was constituted simply to look after the speci- 
fied objects ; but if regarded in connection with the idea of a reasonable 
discretion being vested in the Regents, as to the time and manner of se- 
curing the library, museum, and gallery of art, and the kind of lectures 
to be delivered, the whole act seemed to be harmonious ; that such a con- 
struction would best accomplish the intentions of the testator as expressed 
in his will, quoted in the first section of the act, and to carry out 
which intentions was the object aimed at by the framers, in expressly 
leaving a discretion to the Regents by the ninth section. It could not 
be supposed that they intended to postpone the operations of this 
section until all the specified objects should be provided for ; because 
that would also be suspending the operations of the visitorial power, 
or, at all events, make it merely nominal for a long period ; that the 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 105 

subjects specified in tlie act, with the exceptiou of the cliemical 
hiboratoiy, had reference, almost exclusively, to the diffusion of knowl- 
edge.. That if they were to establish professorships and courses of 
lectures, with libraries, &c., they would only be multiplying the 
means of instruction and stimulants to exertion" which were already 
possessed by other institutions of the land. It was desirable to devise 
some plan which would not interfere with, but, as far as possible, secure 
the cooperation of all other institutions. That the interest with which 
the libraries and cabinets of London and Paris are thronged by students 
and savans was in no small degree to be attributed to the influence of 
those establishments which encourage effort in every department, either 
by the prospect of direct rewards, or the honors and privileges of mem - 
bership. That, in the United States, the great drawback to original 
research was more the want of suflicient stimulus than the absence of 
facilities in the way of libraries and apparatus, imperfect as these ordi- 
narily were. Most of those who possessed inclination and ability, 
either had not the leisure from other occupations, or were discouraged 
by the apparent lack of interest of those about them. They therefore 
proposed, as a more practical way of increasing and diffusing knowl- 
edge, to offer suitable rewards for memoirs containing new truths, and 
appropriate, annually, a portion of the income for particular researches 
under the direction of suitable persons, and for publishing, periodically, 
reports on the progress of the different branches of knowledge, and 
occasionally, separate treatises on subjects of general interest. That as 
to judges, there could be no reason to apprehend any difficulty in enlist- 
ing the support of all men of scientific learning in the country, and 
though the main security against abuse must be in the sound judgment of 
the officers having charge, yet the danger of wasting money here was 
not gTeater than in collecting a vast mass of useless lumber and curi- 
ous trinkets in the museum ; that such publications and investigations 
would make the Institution well known every where, and secure valu- 
able books and other articles in exchange. 

That there might be some spirit of opposition engendered in the 
breasts of those who were competitors for the prizes or honors might 
readily be believed. But the names of unsuccessful aspirants could be 
concealed from those who decide upon their productions, as well as 
from the public ; and the constant changes which would take place in 
the ex officio members of the Institution would be sufficient security 
against any one set of views or of prejudices obtaining an undue supre- 
macy for any great length of time. 

On the other side it was contended that the specified objects were 
chiefly regarded by the charter, and that the Board were bound first to 



106 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

apply all tlie income to those objects which were expressly named, 
until they should be so far perfected that the annual appropi'iations 
for each purpose might be lessened, and thus a surplus be acquired, 
which could be applied, under the discretionary clause, to general ope- 
rations — that this was not only the most abvious, but the safest mter- 
pretation to put upon the law, since a large collection of the materials 
of knowledge is certain, in the long run, to lead to research and pub- 
lication to a greater or less extent; and is less liable to abuse than any 
scheme which mainly depends upon the management and judgment of 
•those who control it ; that such collections tend to increase as well as 
to diffuse knowledge, for, in proportion as the materials for study are 
accumulated, a stimulus and facility is furnished for research, and con- 
sequently for study and invention. That the action of Congress upon the 
proposition of Mr. Morse, and. the whole tenor of the debates, indicated 
that any scheme of publications was not favored, that it would lead to 
the expenditure of money upon unworthy objects, or upon those which do 
not stand in need of such aid, and which would, without it, be brought 
before the public through the medium of scientific journals or of private 
enterprise. 'So class of men adhere more tenaciously to their opinions, 
or are more jealous of others than those who think they have made 
new discoveries; and every rejected memorial would embitter the 
feelings of the disappointed party, and thus the Institution be ex- 
posed to coptinual attacks, and be building up for itself a strong 
opposing party. If the judges chanced to be incompetent, or were 
without any strong stimulus to the proper fulfilment of their tasks, 
memoirs would be accepted which were not in reality additions to 
knowledge, and thus lower the character of the Institution and prevent 
its papers being read. There were very few writers, it was said, who 
could not find the means of publication if their works really contained 
anything that was worthy of it. It was further objected, that the whole 
success of the scheme would depend upon its management ; and, if at any 
time one incompetent secretary should be elected, he might render the 
Avhole system an outlet for the visionary speculations of dabblers in 
science and literature. And this would, more especially, be the case 
with regard to the second branch of the plan for increasing knowledge; 
to wit, the institution of definite lines of research, scarcely one of which 
would not in the end exceed in expense the original calculation, as is 
the case with all such schemes Avhen entered into by Congress. 

That, though the Board of Regents and the visitors would undoubt- 
edly interfere when glaring abuses became apparent, yet, constituted 
as these bodies were, mostly of persons holding other ofiicial positions, 
or actively engaged in other pursuits away from Washington, and 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 107 

meeting only at long intervals, they could not be expected to exercise 
a very close supervision over the ordinary transactions — hence the ne- 
cessity of regulating the discretion of the officers by strict bounds. 

That, as the library was the only specified object in connection with 
which the act named any sum, it was a fair construction to conclude 
tliat this was a principal mode intended by Congress ; and that the 
gi'adual formation of a universal library, equal to the first class libra- 
ries of the old world, was more needed in this country than any other 
instrumentality; since our scholars, afterhavingpursued their researches 
as far as possible at home, could go to Washington for a few weeks, to 
continue and perfect their acquirements, and distribute the results by 
the thousand voices of the press throughout the world ; they would 
come to Washington, as they now go to Germany. And, after all 
this should be accomplished, the fund would remain unimpaired for 
future objects, suggested, stimulated, and rendered practicable by the 
resources and facilities furnished by this great central storehouse of 
intellectual treasures. 

After a vast amount of discussion to this effect, a comjaromise was 
made between conflicting opinions, by agreeing to divide the income 
into two equal parts. One part to be appropriated to general opera- 
tions, or publications and researches; the other part to the specified 
objects, or library, museum, &c. The details for the management of 
each of these departments are given in a programme presented in the 
first annual report of the Secretary, and adopted by the Board, De- 
cember 13, 1847, from which we extract some leading views: 

" A library will be required, consisting, 1st, of a complete collection of the 
transactions an(f proceedings of all the learned societies in the world; 2d, of the 
more important current periodical publications, and other works necessary in 
preparing the periodical reports. 

" The institution should make special collections, particularly of objects to 
illustrate and verify its own publications. 

"Also, a collection of instruments of research in all branches of experimental 
science. 

" With reference to the collection of books, other than those mentioned above, - 
catalogues of all the different libraries in the United States should be procured, 
in order that the valuable books first purchased may be such as are not to be 
found in the United States. 

"Also, catalogues of memoirs, and of books in foreign libraries, and other •> 
materials, should be collected for rendering the Institi:tion a centre of biblio- 
graphical knowledge, whence the student may be directed to any work which 
he may require. 

" It is believed that the collections in natural history will increase by dona- 
tion as rapidly as the income of the Institution can make provision for their re- 
ception, and, therefore, it will seldom be necessary to purchase articles of this 
kind. 



108 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

"Attempts should be made to procure for the gallery of arts casts of the 
most celebrated articles of ancient and modern sculptiire. 

"The arts may be encouraged by providing a room, free of expense, for tht 
exhibition of the objects of the Art-Union and other similar societies. 

"A small appropriation should annually be made for models of antiquities, 
such as those of the remains of ancient temples, «fec. 

"The duty of the Secretary will be the general superintendence, with the 
advice of the Chancellor and other members of the establishment, of the literary 
and scientific operations of the Institution; to give to the Regents annually an 
account of all the transactions; of the memoirs which have been received for 
publication ; of the researches which have been made ; and to edit, with the 
assistance of the librarian, the publications of the Institution, 

. "The duty of the Assistant Secretary, acting as librarian, will be, for tht; 
present, to assist in taking charge of the collections, to select and purchase, 
under the direction of ^he Secretary and a committee of the board, books and 
catalogues, and to procure the information before mentioned ; to give informa- 
tion on plans of libraries, and to assist the Secretary in editing the publications 
of the Institution, and in the other duties of his office. 

"The publications to consist of, 1st, "Smithsonian Contributions," consisting 
of the works elicited by rewards offered to men of talents for memoirs contain- 
ing new truths; and the results of particular researches made by direction of" 
the Institution. 2d, " Smithsonian Reports," consisting of reports on the pro- 
gress of knowledge. The first to aid the increase, the latter, to aid the diffu- 
sion of knowledge. 

"The Secretary and his assistants, during the session' of Congress, will be 
required to illustrate new discoveries in science, and to exhibit new objects of 
art; distinguished individuals should also be invited to give lectures on subjects 
of general interest." 

The Secretary, in his recent reports, declares that an attempt has been 
made in good faith to carry out this arrangement for division of the in- 
come, soTar as that income has been applied to the general support of the 
Institution ; and that, if items which may be properly charged to the 
library and collections were added to this side of the account, the bal- 
ance would be in favor of the general — or, as he styles them, " active" 
operations. But, he declares that the plan has not been found to work 
well in practice ; that the income is too small to properly support more 
than one system of operations ; and that, therefore, the attempt to sus- 
tain three departments, with separate ends and separate interests, must 
lead to inharmonious action, and, consequently, to diminished useful- 
ness ; that, however p>roper such a division of the income might have 
been in the beginning, in order to harmonize conflicting opinions, and 
to submit with proper caution the several proposed schemes to a judi- 
cious trial, the same considerations do not exist for its continuance, 
changes having occurred which materially alter the conditions on which 
it was founded ; that the plan of general or '' active" operations was not 
at first fully understood, even by the literary men of the country, it 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 109 

being considered cliimerical, and incapable of being continued for any 
length, of time; and hence it was thought important to provide for the 
means of falling back upon a library and collections ; that the experi- 
ence of six years has, however, established its practicability and im- 
portance, and it is now considered, by the gi-eat majority of intelligent 
persons who have studied the subject, the only direct means of real- 
izing the intention of the donor. That the building was.to have been 
finished in five years, and the income after this was to be increased by 
the interest on the remaining surplus fund ; but the Regents have found 
it necessary for the better security of the library and museum to add 
fifty thousand dollars to the cost of the edifice ; and ten years will have 
elapsed from the beginning, instead of five, before any income from the 
surplus fund wi'l be available. That this additional expense is not in- 
curred for the " active" operations, and the question may be asked, 
whether they ought to bear any part of this additional burden. 

It should here be explained, that by a resolution of the Board, the 
amount of accrued interest (|242,129) at the time of organization, 
which by the act was appropriated to the building, was drawn from the 
treasury and invested at interest, and by deferring the completion of the 
building and investing from time to time portions of the annual income, 
there, has been laid aside a sum of upwards of $200,000, notwithstandr 
ing that the edifice will have cost when completed |300,000. The 
amount thus laid aside it is proposed to add to tbe principal of $500,000, 
thus increasing the annual income proportionally. 

The Secretary goes on to remark, in substance, that the inquiry 
may be made, whether it is advisable in the present state of the funds, 
and the wants of the " active" operations, to expend any conside- 
rable portion of the income in the reproduction of a collection of 
objects of nature and art. Again: the active operations are procuring 
annually for the library, by exchange, a large number of valuable 
books, which, in time, of themselves will form a rare and valuable 
collection, and, even if the division of the income is to be continued, 
a sum equal in amount to the price of these books ought to be 
charged to the library, and an equal amount credited to the " active" 
operations. That, though a large library connected with the Insti- 
tution would be valuable in itself, and convenient to those who are 
ill the immediate vicinity of the Smithsonion building, yet, as has been 
said before, it is not essentially necessary to the active operations. It 
would be of comparatively little importance to the greater number of 
the co-laborers of the Institution, who are found in every i^art of the 
Uuited States, and are not confined even to these limits. But few of 
the authors of the Smithsonian memoirs reside in Washington. The 



110 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

libraries, tlierefore, of the wliole country; and in some cases of otiier 
countries, are at tlie service of tlie Institution, and employed for its 
purposes. That, with regard to the museum, it is not the intention of 
the Institution to attempt to examine and describe within the walls of 
its own building all the objects which may be referred to it. To ac- 
complish this, a corps of naturalists, each learned in his own branch, 
would be reqtiired, at an expense Avhich the whole income would be in- 
adequate to meet. That the more feasible and far less expensive or- 
ganization was adopted, of referring all scientific questions of impor- 
tance, as well as objects of natural history, for investigation, to persons 
of reputation and learning in diiferent parts of the United States, and 
perhaps, in some cases in foreign countries. By the operation of this 
plan, which has been found eminently practicable, the collections, as 
well as the libraries of the whole country, are rendered subservient to 
the use of the Institution. That there can be but little doubt that, in 
due time, ample provision will be made for a library and museum at 
the capital of this Union worthy of a government whose perpetuity 
depends upon the virtue and intelligence of the people. It is, there- 
fore, unwise in his opinion, to hamper the more important objects of 
this Institution, by attempting to anticipate results which will be even- 
tually produced without the expenditure of its means. 

It not being any part of our plan to give more than an outline of 
the history of the Institution for the information of the general reader, 
we shall not enter into an elaborate discussion as to the correctness of 
this reasoning of the Secretary. It is understood that a difference of 
opinion exists among those who have had the best opportunities to ex- 
amine, as to whether the compromise has been fairly tried, and justice 
done, as far as the means would allow, to each department. To decide 
on this point, and also as to the merits of the general or " active" 
operations, involves the necessity of examining very carefully all the 
proceedings of the Board of Regents and their accounts ; and also the 
publications of the Institution, with the aid of superior knowledge 
and experience, in order to determine whether they are positive ad- 
ditions to knowledge, and if so, whether the results, however new or 
curious, are of a value proportionate to the cost ; and further, whether 
the substance of most, if not all of them, might not have been brought 
before the world through other agencies to quite as much advantage 
for science, if not in quite so elegant a form. 

Admitting, however, that the " active" operations have accomplished 
all that is claimed by the Secretary, are his conclusions correct as to there 
being necessarily any want of harmony in action between this depart- 
ment and the specified objects? Are the ends and interests necessarily 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Ill 

separate ? Do not the short reports of the assistants, which are embo- 
died in the reports to the Regents, show that those having charo-e of the 
library and collections of natural history, even with limited aid, have 
gathered valuable information from what has come to their knowledge 
in organizing their departments ; and is there no reason to suppose that 
from these quarters some of the best contributions to knoAvledge may, 
in time, emanate ? It may be true that the Library of Congress and the 
collections of Government will save the necessity of as large an expen- 
diture in the first instance as might have been otherwise advisable ; 
but this only shows the propriety of more care and discrimination in 
purchasing for the Institution ; and the value of the Government col- 
lections will be the greater in proportion' as the officers in charge 
of those at the Smithsonian, are intelligent and capable of distin- 
guishing what is new and useful, and giving the results to the world, 
either through their annual reports, <-r through the more imposing vo- 
lumes of " contributions" or " EfipaBEfcs." - ' ' _ ,.„„^.^„. 

The principal difiiculty adverted to by the Secretary, is tl^^ want of 
sufficient annual income for all. Hence he infers the necessity of con- 
fining the expenditures mainly to one department. Is not the alterna- 
tive rather a reduction of all the expenditures in each department, and 
thereby continuing to add every year to the income ? If the income is, 
say 140,000 per annum, why may not the expeditures be so limited as 
to add every year |10,000, to the principal, and thus add at least six 
hundred dollars a year to the income. The development of the Insti- 
tution would not in this way be perhaps quite as rapid as if the whole 
expenditure were confined to one department ; but, in course of time, 
each would become well endowed. 

"We confess, how-ever, that we have never been entirely satisfied that 
•the Regents had the power to increase their capital by this means. 
The act expressly appropriated |242,129 to the building, and if the 
Regents had the power to postpone the aj^plication of it to that pur- 
pose for eight years, why could they not have postponed it indefinitely i 
So the income of about $30,000 was expressly appropriated to the 
support of the Institution — and if a portion of that could be added to 
the capital, why not postpone any operations whatever, until the capi- 
tal was sufficiently large ? Had Congress thought this course best, 
they might have delayed the establishment of the Institution twenty 
years instead of ten. But, if the course pursued by the Regents is 
proper, surely it is right that the objects expressly named in the act 
should have the benefit of it. 

In this connection it is proper to advert to the fact that the Insti- 
tution has received a valuable donation of chemical and philosophical 



112 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

apparatus from Professor Hare, of Philadelpliia, (now one of tte 
honorary members,) and has become the contingent legatee of the 
sum of $75,000, from Mr. Wynn, of Brooklyn, New York, who has left 
this amount to the Institution, on the death without issue of his daughter, 
now a child six years old. In making this bequest, the testator says in 
his will, "I know no benevolent Institution more useful and- appropriate 
than the Smithsonian Institution at "Washington." " This circumstance," 
says the Secretary, " is highly gratifying to the fi'iends of the Institu- 
tion, not because it offers a remote possibility of an increase of the 
funds, but on account of the evidence it aifords of the liberal views of 
the deceased, and of his confidence in the proper management and im- 
portance of the Smithsonian bequest. The will of Mr. Wynn induces 
us to believe that the right administration of the Smithsonian fund will 
cause similar examples of liberality on the part of wealthy individuals 
of our country ; and in this point of view the responsibility which rests on 
those who have the direction of the affairs of this Institution is greater 
than that with reference to the good which the income itself may imme- 
diately accomplish. Though it is scarcely to be expected that many un- 
conditional bequests will be made, yet the example of Smithson may 
induce the founding of other institutions which may serve to perpetuate 
other names, and increase the blessings which may flow from such judi- 
cious liberality. Man is a sympathetic being; and it is not impossible 
that Smithson himself may have caught the first idea of his benevolent 
design from the example of our countryman. Count Rumford, the prin- 
cipal founder of the Royal Institution of London. Bequests for special 
purposes, bearing the names of the testators, are not incongruous with 
the plan of this Institution. Lectureships on particular subjects, annual 
reports on special branches of knowledge, provision, for certain lines of 
research, and libraries for general use or special reference, may be found-, 
ed under the names of those who bestow the funds, and be placed under 
the direction of, and incorporated with, the Smithsonian Institution." 

Having the utmost confidence that, in refei'ence to the changes pro- 
posed by the Secretary, the intelligence and sound judgment of those 
having its government in charge, ivill ultimately lead to correct conclu- 
sions, we will only add one or two remarks. 

First, with reference to the benefit to be derived to the city of 
Washington from the location of the Institution, upon which so much 
stress was laid in the Senate when the object was first introduced into 
that body. It must be obvious, on a moment's reflection, that in pro- 
portion as the establishment gains a reputation throughout the country 
by its usefulness in the increase and difiusion of knowledge, in the 
same proportion will it attract visitors and students to the capital ; 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 113 

and the question is, wliat will best accomplish this, a larger collection 
here of the materials for study than is to be found elsewhere, or the 
printing of learned contributions, or both ? 

Secondly, in forming an opinion on this point, it is hardly to the pur- 
pose to speculate upon Smithson's intentions as indicated by his habits 
of life, studies, and associations. It is extremely doubtful whether he 
had any very definite idea of what he wished to create ; if he had, 
there seems to be no reason why he should have not more fully 
explained his wishes, as the will was apparently not made when he 
thoiTght himself in extremis ; and he had time enough between the 
date of it and his death to have perfected it in this respect. 
He had, probably, like most great students, learned so much as to 
sensibly appreciate his own ignorance of the vast field yet before him, 
and distrusted his own power to mark out a plan which would answer 
for all time to come, and not embarrass the trustees in its fulfillment. 
Eeasoning thus, and perhaps thinking it would hardly be respectful to 
the nation whom he constituted trustees, to mark, and too closely, any 
course they were to pursue, preferred to leave the whole subject to 
the judgment of the men of experience who would be called to act 
upon the matter. 

And in this last connection, resuming the course of our narrative, 
we will state that but two or three meetings have been held of the 
visitorial Board, who are to constitute the Smithsonian Institution 
proper. At these meetings they have done little more than elect 
honorary members, but manifested a disposition to admit no one to 
that position who had not already obtained distinction and influence in 
the world of letters and science ; and if suitable regulations are adopted 
in this respect, we cannot but hope that, in course of time, an interest 
may be created in the Institution which would exercise a most happy 
influence in correcting abuses and securing the best system. The great 
difiiculty with most societies for the increase and diff"usion of knowledge 
in this country is, that the privileges of membership are too readily 
granted, without reference to the qualifications of the candidates, so that 
the mere fact of being a member of such a society is in itself no evidence 
of scholarship, and, consequently, of but little value as an honor. 

Suppose for example a plan be adopted — 

1st. Limiting the number of honorary members to be elected in any 
one year. 

2d. Fixing upon certain qualifications as essential to a nomination 
for membership ; such, for example, as the production of some work, 
the successful prosecution of some research, or great distinction as an. 
instructor in the higher branches. 
8 



114 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

3d. Giving to the members tlius elected the privilege of receiving 
copies of all the publications of the Institution during their life time, 
and of attending all meetings of the Board of Regents. 

4th. Recommending to Congress that, whenever vacancies shall 
occur in the Board of Regents, the vacancy shall, as far as practicable and 
consistent with the provisions of law on that behalf, be filled from the 
honorary members. By the first provision, the honor would be more 
valuable, as being more rare ; by the second, it would be made more 
sure evidence of merit ; and the third and fourth, would give it more 
intrinsic value ; the last one securing to the regents men familiar with 
the course of business, and amply qualified ; while the whole would 
tend eventually to interest in the establishment a number of learned men 
who would act as counsellors, and who, being familiar with the opera- 
tions, would always present from their ranks suitable persons to fill the 
ofiices. It would be establishing, a method of distinguishing men 
of letters hitherto almost unknown in our country. Probably this 
would be the means of drawing annually to "Washington large numbers 
of such men, and making the Smithsonian halls the place of annual 
meeting for the various learned societies, since they might expect, 
from amongst the honorary members and regents, to find many whose 
presence and participation in the discussions would add greatly to the 
interest of their deliberations. 

By such an arrangement as this a strong inducement will be ofiered 
to writers, independently of the premiums, and the distinction of having 
their contributions brought before the world with the stamp of author- 
ity which a publication in the " Contributions" would give to them ; 
for the position of " honorary member" of the Institution would be 
invested with some of those attractions which make a membership of 
the Academy of Science at Paris so much an object of ambition. 

Thus the Smithsonian Institution and the city of "Washington 
may be made, in course of time, to occupy the position now held 
by Philadelphia as the headquarters of original research ; especially 
if the materials of knowledge, in the shape of books, apparatus, and 
collections, be found there in greater perfection than elsewhere ; and from 
this, as a central point, rays of knowledge will be diffused to all parts 
of the Union — the accomplishment of which must be, in no small 
degree, aided by its connection with the Government, and the number 
of officers in the army and navy, consular agents, and intellectual 
travellers who will thus be brought within the immediate circle of its 
influence, advantages which Smithson no doubt had in view in 
requiring that it should be established at " "Washington." 

"We do not und rtake to describe what has been done either in the 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 115 

general or local operations, as tte statements on these subjects cliange 
every year, and no condensed account would do justice to the reports 
of Professors Henry, Jewett, and Baird, contained in the Annual Reports 
of the Regents, which, being published by Congress, are readily obtained 
either at the Institution or of any member of Congress. 

Suffice it to say, that the library and museum already contain a very 
respectable collection. A large*proportion of both has been made up by 
donations and exchanges, and experience shows that the increase in this 
way, especially in the museum, will continue to be very rapid. Indeed, 
the Institution will soon have so many collections of its own, as to oc- 
cupy a large proportion of the new building. Except in the purchase of 
a collection of fine old engravings, there have been no investments in 
objects of art ; but the room intended, though not suited for that pur- 
pose, has been occupied for the exhibition of private collections. The 
lectures have been mostly of a popular kind, and the room always 
crowded. 

The building, which is now nearly completed, has been changed 
somewhat in its interior arrangements, since Mr. Dallas described it in 
his corner-stone address. His description of the exterior is probably as 
accurate as can be given of such a structure. 

" Its exterior presents a specimen of the style of architecture that pre- 
vailed some six centuries ago, chiefly in Germany, Normandy, and 
Southern Europe, which preceded the Gothic, and continues to recom- 
mend itself, for structures like this, to the most enlightened judgment. 
It is known as the Norman, or, more strictly speaking, the Lombard 
style. It harmonizes alike with the extent, the grave uses, and the 
massive strength of the edifice ; it exacts a certain variety in the forms 
of its parts ; and it authorizes any additions that convenience may re- 
quire, no matter how seemingly irregular they may be. 

" It extends east and west, an entire front of four hundred and twenty- 
six feet, having a central building of fifty by two hundred feet in the 
clear, inside, with two towers ; two wings of unequal fronts ; the east 
one forty-five by seventy-five feet in the clear, inside, with a vestibule 
and porch attached to it ; the west one thirty-four by sixty-five feet in 
the clear, inside, with a northern semi-circular projection. These wings 
will be connected with the central building by two ranges sixty feet in 
length in the clear, inside. It will have a central rear tower, and other 
towers of different heights, sizes, and characters, two of them placed in 
the wings. All these numerous towers are essential to arrangements 
within — as flues, stairways, ventilators, and detached rooms — and 
are of different heights, varying from sixty to one hundred and 
fifty feet." 



116 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The material is a freestone, of a lilac grey color, drawn from a quarry 
on the banks of the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, near Seneca creek, and 
but twenty-three miles from the spot. It is said not to be subject to 
the objections that exist against the Potomac freestone, of which the 
central building of the Capitol, the President's House, Treasury, and 
central Patent Office building are constructed, growing harder by time. 
The pictures of the edifice are becoming familiar. Portions of the 
north central front have been to some extent reproduced in the church 
of the Puritans, and St. George's church, at New York. Perhaps, a 
better idea may be given, by saying that it is unlike anything else 
in the country, and that no two parts are like each other — a variety 
which is rather pleasing to' the eye, and which is carried out in the in- 
terior, even in the furniture. It certainly has this advantage, that it 
may be extended in almost any direction, and in almost any style of 
architecture — Elizabethan, or Gothic, Saracenic, or Egyptian — without 
impairing its effect. Its effect has been impaired by want of sufficient 
depth in proportion to its length, and too prominent an exhibition of 
the roof. With its towers and cloisters, its chapel, (for a picture gal- 
lery !) its battlements, and port-holes like crosses, through which the 
knights templars might have shot their arquebusses, and its refectory, 
over which the ivy is beginning to creep, it strongly brings to mind the 
accounts we read of the fortified monasteries of former times. Green- 
ough thus playfully touches upon it, as seen in a stroll by moonlight 
across the mall : 

" Suddenly, as I walked, the dark form of the Smithsonian palace 
rose between me and the white Capitol, and I stopped. Tower and 
battlement, and all that mediaeval confusion, stamped itself on the halls 
of Congress, as ink upon paper ! Dark on that whiteness — comj^lica- 
tion on that simplicity! It scared me. Was it a spectacle, or was not 
I another Rip Van Winkle who had slept too long ? It seemed to 
threaten, it seemed to say, I bide my time ! Oh, it was indeed monas- 
tic at that hour ! ************ * * 
" On walking round to the south I was much relieved ; I could see 
through and through the building. This was a departure from all that 
I had seen in the real old turretted fortresses of theology. It was a 
good omen. 

" I am not about to criticise the edifice. I have not quite recovered 
from my alarm. There is still a certain mystery about those towers 
and steep belfries that makes me uneasy. This is a practical land. 
They must be for something. Is no coup d''etat lurking there I 
Can tliey be merely ornaments, like the tassels to a university cap ? — 
Perhaps they are an allopathic dose administered to that parsimony 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 117 

Avliicli SO long denied to science where to lay lier head — contraria 
contrariis curantur ! They must have cost much money. 

" ' Bosomed high in tufted trees' the Smithsonian college must in itself 
be hereafter a most picturesque object; the models whence it has been 
imitated are both ' rich and rare' ; the connoiseurs may well ' wonder 
how the devil it got there!' "* 

No one indeed who has a particle of poetry in his soul can fail to be 
impressed with the picturesque appearance of the pile, as approached 
from Pennsylvania avenue ; but, thoujjh he may be gratified that there 
is one such structure to contrast with the Grecian and Roman architec- 
ture which prevails in all the other public buildings, some utilitarian 
notions will come over him as he enters the building and finds it hard 
to discover any special use for all these towers, cloisters, and connect- 
ing ranges, which only divide up the interior into inconvenient rooms, 
few of them adapted to any special purpose. The main building, how- 
ever, which was the last finished, is provided with a much more spacious 
lecture-room than that which was first used in the eastern wing ; also, 
with spacious apartments for the museum and library. 

As before remarked, this building will be, probably, soon filled with a 
museum collected by the Institution. The act of Congress authorises the 
transfer to it of all the collections in the Patent Ofiice building ; and, with 
a view to this, provided that, if the President, Heads of Departments, 
and Commissioner of Patents, consented, the Institution might be so 
constructed as to form, in appearance, a wing of that edifice ; but it 
was thought that the whole of that building would be ultimately re- 
quired for the Department of the Interior, and the present site pre- 
sented a decided advantage in admitting of ornamental grounds, and 
an enlargement in every direction. On account of the expense, and 
latterly, of the want of accommodations, the Regents have declined 
to receive the collections of the Government. 

It would certainly be desirable, in every point of view, that the Na- 
tional Museum and that of the Smithsonian be connected together, and 
placed under one supervision. But Congress surely would not desire 
that a collection, which has been made by the nation at the cost of 
two or three Smithsonian bequests, should all go to the credit of 
Smith son and pass under his name? Yet such will be the practical 
operation of the Set, if the National Museum is merged into the 
Smithsonian Museum. So strikingly did the impropriety of this 
appear that, when the act was under consideration in Congress, a 
member moved that the museum part of the building should be 

* Memorial of Horatio Greenougli by H. T. Tuckerman, page 90. 



118 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

called "The National Gallery," which would probably have been 
carried had there not been coupled with it a proviso for placing 
the gallery under the direction of the " National Institution for the 
Promotion of Science." But even had this motion prevailed, some- 
thing more would be necessary. Would it be becoming the dignity 
and self-respect of the nation that they should be indebted to the be- 
quest of a liberal foreigner for a building in which to preserve the 
National Museum ? "Would it not be more proper that the Government 
should make an appropriation from the public funds for such portions 
of this edifice as might be used, or such additions as may be neces- 
sary, and for the annual support of the museum. This might be 
called the National Museum, and all the Smithsonian collections could 
be placed with those of the Government, under the appropriate classifi- 
cation, each being labelled with the name of Smithson. If something 
like this be done, and the collections of Government and the Institution 
placed together, there will be greater facility in examining and preserv- 
ing them all than when, as now, separated, with different curators and 
systems, and we may perhaps hope that in course of time, something 
like the Garden of Plants at Paris will surround it ; an object which is 
certainly every way desirable, having in all countries been regarded as 
a valuable, if not a principal means for increasing and diff"using knowl- 
edge.* 

Strictly speaking, the Smithsonian is not a National Institution ; that 
is to say, it is upon a private foundation, originating entirely in the be- 
quest of an individual, accompanied however by only one condition, 
that the trustees shall retain it at "Washington. But those trustees are 
the Congress of the United States, who may at any time make any 
change, except in location, they may deem advisable, better to accom- 
plish the testator's object ; a power which they have to some extent trans- 
ferred to the visitorial Board, which, with the Board of Regents, must 
always be composed in part of high Executive officers, and members and 
appointees of Congress ; they have done more, given it ground for its 
buildings, taken charge of its capital, vested in it the exclusive privilege 
of copy-right, printed its annual reports &c., and there can be no doubt 
that they will in due time congregate around it such other establish- 
ments as seem to bear upon the same general objects. All that is neces- 

* If the Regents do not feel called upon to take charge of the whole of the 
Patent Office collection, there are some things which they might place in the 
grounds around. Such are the copper rock from Lake Superior, the sarcopha- 
gus, brought out by Commodore Elliott, now in the dark basement of the Patent 
Office, (which we presume the National Institute would not object to their 
taking.) The Indian paintings might be placed in their gallery. 



THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 119 

sary to bring ttis about, is that there should be a good understanding 
between the oflScers of the Institution and those of the Patent Office, 
Observatory, Agricultural Bureau, of Congress Library, and other de- 
partments which now are, or soon will grow up, out of the operations 
of the Government.* Let it be an object of the members and officers 
of the establishment, to promote an active co-operation between all these 
departments, each aiding the other, and the Smithsonian will soon form 
one of a group which will, unitedly, accomplish more for the increase of 
knowledge in a short time, than any one could do in years. But to 
accomplish this, there must be a faithful adherence to the requirements 
of law ; for we think that no one who reads the history of the Institution 
can fail to be impressed with the belief that the members of Congress who 
passed the bill, and the public at large, throughout the country, will 
scarcely be satisfied with any scheme which is intended to develope 
but one idea, through one channel, or depending for its success upon 
the judgment of any one individual, however eminent. 

*The Government libraries are. Congress Library, including the Law 
Library, (in another part of the Capitol,) and the document libraries 
attached to the two Houses of Congress, the War Department library, 
the Patent Office library, and that in the Executive Mansion. They 
are, none of them, of any great importance, except the first, which has 
been reestablished, with the advantage of containing nearly all the 
books of value destroyed by the late fire, in the latest and best editions. 
It will be many years, however, before, with the present annual appro- 
priation, (about ^5,000,) it will be anything like what it should be. It 
is especially defective in collections of pamphlets and journals which 
throw so much light on the history of the times, and which are only 
to be found in large libraries. 

The Government collections, other than those in the Capitol, consist, 

1st. Of a collection, of paintings comprising portraits of Indian 
Chiefs who have, at different times, visited the capital, mostly painted 
by C. B. King, and a number of portraits of distinguished personages, 
by different artists, presented to Government. 

2d. A variety of trinkets, swords, guns, &c., presented, at different 
times, to the President, and Foreign Ministers, and which were deliver- 
to the Department of State, Government officials not being allowed to 
receive presents. An amusing chapter might be made on this subject. 
Sometimes the presents have consisted of Arabian horses, lions, and 
other live animals. They have been sold, and the proceeds given to 
charitable institutions. A rich carpet, presented to President Van 
Buren, is kept rolled up, in a glass case. It had much better be spread 



120 THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

as a rug, in the President's east-room, if the motlis Lave left it in a 
condition to be seen. A bottle of otto of rose, said to be of immense 
value, and demijohns of rose water, are also carefully preserved. Their 
sweetness can hardly be said to be " wasted on the desert air," for it is 
never, publicly at least, uncorked. If it improves by age. Uncle Sam 
will have a treasure one of these days. 

3d. A series of Indian relics, minerals, &c., belonging to a society 
called the National Institution for the Promotion of Science, which 
was incorporated by Congress, and intended to occupy a position simi- 
lar to the Society of Arts, at Paris, For a time there was much inter- 
est taken in its proceedings, honorary members were elected, a corres- 
pondence invited from all parts of the world ; this action, together 
with the names of government officers connected with it, elicited many 
replies from Europe ; and the principal business, at each meeting, was 
a recital of the donations received. But the necessity of relying upon 
annual subscriptions led to the. election to the privileges of membership, 
of all who would pay the annual fee, which lowered the value of the 
honor, although many of the most learned and scientific took an ac- 
tive part. The funds received were hardly sufficient to pay the 
freight on articles presented. The meetings are still kept up, with 
what success we are not informed ; but we put down their collec- 
tions among those of Government, because, we believe in case of dis- 
solution, they go to the United States. Mr. Woodbury and others 
advocated the plan of placing the Smithsonian bequest under the 
control of this society, and two of the Regents are required to be mem- 
bers of it. 

4th. The collections of the South Sea Exploring Expedition, con- 
sisting of a large number of Indian articles, canoes, skins, implements 
of war, corals, shells, natural mummies, animals, birds, reptiles, and 
plants. 

It is not generally known that everything in this collection which is 
new, is being explained and described, with the most exquisite illustra- 
tions, in the works of the scientific corps of the Exploring Expedition, 
seven or eight volumes of which have been issued. The number of 
volumes will probably reach to twenty, and it will be a work worthy 
of the Government, and, as far as it goes, will equal, if not excel, any 
other work of a similar description. Unfortunately, Congress only 
ordered one hundred copies to be printed, out of which Foreign Gov- 
ernments and the States were to be supplied ; and this small number 
has been still further reduced by the destruction of many coj^ies at the 
burning of the Congress Library. The plates have, we believe, been 
given to the Smithsonian Institution. 



THE SEAT OiT GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 121 

otli. The Pdteut Office coUectiou of models may, perhaps, be regard- 
ed as H specnes of museum, as it certainly illustrates the progress of 
iuveutiou. 

All these collectious, except the liviug plants, are preserved in tlur 
I'ateiit Office building, which, with the new wings will, probably, admit 
of better accommodation than heretofore. The plants are in eouser- 
vafories in front of the Capitol. 



INDEX. 



A. 

Page, 

An act for establishing Seat of Government passed 16 

" how interpreted 44 

Adams, John. His address to Congress on assembling at the Capitol. . . 44 

Adams, Mrs. Her account of Washington in 1800 48 

Adams, J. Q. His report on the Smithsonian Institution 97 

Allen, William. His remarks on Seat of Government 21, 22 

Ames, Fisher. His remarks in debate 9 

Avenues and streets. Their arrangement, names, &c 33 

" Expenditures by Congress on account of 55, 5*7 

•9 B. 

Baltimore. Subscription of its citizens for public buildings 10 

Brent, John C. His construction of the article relative to the " ten miles 

square" . . . , 44 

Buildings, Public, why separated 38 

C. 

Calhoun, John C. His remarks on centre of t'erritory, and on removal 

of capital 20, 25 

on mileage 21 

on Smithsonian bequest 95 

Capitals, political, influence of 12 

Capitol, Corner-stone of 81 

extension. Mr. Webster's remarks 66 

why at a distance from Executive offices 38 

Carroll, Daniel — advocates a site on the Potomac 11 

Centre of territory, population, or wealth, how far criterions in selecting 

site , 14, 19 

sea coast line, why preferred 15 

Chesapeake and Ohio Canal 51 

Choate, Rufus. His plan for Smithsonian 90 

Commercial seaport, why unsuited for Seat of Government 11 

Congress, its sessions, where held prior to Constitution 6, 7 

its relation to the District 53 

Conecogeague — name given to proposed site 16 

Constitution, article of, concerning "ten miles square," how regarded in 

Virginia Convention 8 

how construed , 44 



Page. 

Dallas, G. M. — Remarks on Smithsonian Institution 103 

Debt — plan for funding — its influence in determining tlie site 1*7 

Disfranchisement of political capital — reasons for 13, 2 J 

Distance of public buildings from each other, reasons for 38 

E. 

Ellicott, Andrew. His plan for supplying the city with water '. 28 

His method of executing the plan of the city (note) . 34 

Evans, Gov., secures passage of Smithsonian bill 101 

Expenditures by Congress and the corporation 55, 56, 5*7 

Exploring Expedition collections 120 

F. 

Force Peter. His derivation of names Rome and Tiber 28 

G. 

Gerry, Elbridge. His opinion in relation to site 11 ,/ 

" " Monument to 11' 

Goodhue, Benjamin. His opinion on the same subject 9 

Greenough, Horatio. On monunients {note), ^. '73 

Position of those at Capitol (note) 81 

Smithsonian edifice 115 

H. 

Headley, J. T. His remarks on monuments (note) 73 

Henry, Joseph, Secretary of Smithsonian, his plans 108 

J. 

Jp.ckson, Andrew. His plan for Potomac Bridge • 59, 69 

" " Monument to 60 

Jefferson, Thomas. Extract from his letter on terms of purchase ....... 27 

" " " " " on plan of the city 33 

" " " '• " on assumption of State debts 17 

Jones, G. W. Moves to return worthless stock to Smithson's heirs 100 

L. 

Laws of District of Columbia, necessity of new code 53 

Lee, Richard Bland. His motion relative to site ...:..... 9 v, 

L'Enfant, Pierre — architect, his plan 83 

Libraries of Government {note) 99, 119 

London and Westminster, their influence in Parliament 12 

Lottery for completing City Hall 60 

Lots belonging to the Government, how sold 54 

M. 

Mackintosh, Sir James. His remark relative to a great metropolis ..... 13 

Madison James. His remarks on the growth of the Western Territory. 18 



INDEX. iii 

Page. 

Magnetic telegraph, its influence on the question of a centre of territory 20 

Mall, original plan for improving it 36 

Dowtiing's plan (note) , 3g (70 

Materials for building, experiments on 89 

Maryland, donation and loan for public buildings 41 42 

Mileage, Mr. Calhoun's remarks on 21 

Ministers and secretaries, plan for furnishing them with houses S7 

Monroe, James — proposes to make Chesapeake and Ohio Canal a nation- 
al work 51 

Monumental structures, their influence ■ 71 

action of Continental Congress 74 

in cemetery at Washington 75 

to General Greene 74 

to General Montgomery 75 

to General Washington 7G, 77 

National Monument to Washington 82 

why not built by Congress 72 

by whom proposed 83 

* funds , , . , 84 

plans 85 

height, as computed with other structures 88 

material 88 

site 90 

Winthrop's address 91 

Mount Yernon, proposed purchase of 77, 79 

Muir, Rev. James. His address on laying corner-stone of the District. . 29 

Museum, National — what (note) 1 1 vi 

K 

Name of Tiber creek, how derived 28 

Names of the City and District, by whom given SO 

of streets 33 

National Institution — what 120 

0. 

Owen, R. D., on the Smithsonian 100 

P. 

Patterson, Dr. His table relative to representative population 19 

Plan of city 83 

Potomac. Reasons for selecting site on the 1 .5 

Plan for connecting it with the Ohio river by canal 51 

introducing its water into the city (note) 28, 57 

Presents to government officers (riote) ft 119 

R. 

Robbins, Senator, his plan for the Smithsonian .J 98 

Rome or Room, original name of Capitol Hill 2S 

Rush, R. His plan for the Smithsonian 97 



IV INDEX. 

s. 

Page. 

Scott, Thomas. His resolution relative to site 9 

Seney, Joshua — states the preferences of Maryland 8, 1 1 

Seacoast, advantages of having government near the ... 15 

Site, description of the 27 

Slavery at Washington 64 

Smithsonian Institution 91 , 

words of bequest 91, 

Life of Smithson 92, 93, 94, 95 

his intentions 99, 113 

debate as to acceptance 99 

various plans proposed 97,98 

discussion on Mr. Tappan's bill 98, 99 

Owen's bill 100 

passage of the bill 101 

synopsis of the act 101 

discussions among the Regents 103 

plan of dividing funds Ill 

Secretary Henry on the cost 110 

finances of Institution 109 

remarks 109 

the visitorial board 113 

proposed regulations 113 

as to honorary members 113 

building. 115 

reception of government museum 117 

Soil, cession of, how regarded 15 

South Carolina. Objection to Philadelphia urged by members from ... 11 

South Sea Exploring Expedition, collections 95 

States. Plan for squares to be improved by each of the 35 

Story, Mr. Justice. His opinion on the proprietor's rights 24 

T. 

Tappan, Senator. On the Smithsonian 99 

Taxes. Should the nation pay taxes ? 55 

Territory, Western, its gro'Wth predicted in 1790 18 

Tiber creek, name how derived 28 

Treasury building, mistake in the site. • 39 



Vining, John— predicts growth of Western Territory 18 

Virginia. Donation for public buildings by (note) 41 

Action with regard to purchase of Mount Vernon 78, 79 

W. 

Washington city, false impressions concerning 6 

description of its site • 27 



INDEX. V 

Page. 

Washington city, interest excited by its establishment. 30 

magnificent intentions 35 

its name, by -whom given 30 

plan, magnitude, the encroachments thereon, <fec. . 33, 38, 40 

causes which have retarded its growth 50 

position and prospects in 1S54 49 

proposed improvements, monuments 60 

expense of living at , 60 

health of 62 

slavery at 64 

Washington, George. His preference for the Potomac 29 , 

• his letter on terms of purchase 26 

lays corner-stone of capitol 31 

his reasons for separating public buildings 38 

his letter to the Governor of Maryland asking a loan 42 

his plan for connecting the Potomac and Ohio rivers 5 1 

monument to 76 

Wayland, Professor. His plan for Smithsonian 97 

Webster, D. His address on laying corner-stone of capitol extension. . . 66 

Wiiithrop, R. C. His address on laying corner-stone of monument. , . , , 91 



^ 



L&Je'29 



